Reader Reaction
and Workplace Habits
in the English
Translation of French Proper Names in Canada
Brian Mossop
Government of
Canada Translation Bureau and York University School of Translation
Résumé
Cet article étudie les facteurs qui peuvent entrer en jeu
dans la traduction anglaise des noms de lieux et des noms institutionnels
français au Canada: réactions anticipées des lecteurs; règles énoncées par les
clients, employeurs et guides de rédaction; méthodes de travail des traducteurs
(traductions coupées-collées; temps consacré au contrôle de la qualité). Les
traductions possibles de cinq noms propres sont commentées: Québec,
Radio-Canada, Acadie, Commission québécoise des libérations conditionnelles,
Canada/canadien.
Abstract
This article looks at factors that might be involved
in the translation of French place names and institution names into English in
Canada: the anticipated reactions of readers; rules enunciated by clients,
employers and style guides; the effects of workplace procedures (reduced quality
control time; use of cut-and-paste translation). The possible translations of
five proper names are discussed: Québec, Radio-Canada, Acadie, Commission
québécoise des libérations conditionnelles, Canada/canadien.
There is a small town north of Montreal
whose French name is Shawinigan-Sud. In an English translation of a French text
referring to the town, what would it be called? Here are five possibilities:
Shawinigan-Sud, Shawinigan Sud, Shawinigan-South, Shawinigan South and South
Shawinigan. An Internet search reveals that all five have been used in
(original or translated) English texts. The question arises: why in a
particular translation does one of these possibilities appear rather than
another? In this article I explore some factors that might be involved in the
translation of French place names and institution names.
I should immediately mention that I
shall be concerned hardly at all with how proper names ought to be translated; prescriptions found in style guides, a few
of which I will mention in passing, are simply one of many factors that may
influence the translation of a proper name. I shall also not be much concerned
with how proper names are in fact
translated, though I will report a few results from database and Internet
searches and give one or two examples from real translations. What I shall
principally be concerned with here is how proper names can be translated, and why one choice rather than another might be
made.
In the first part of the article, I
will look at factors that might be considered more or less consciously[1]
by the translator, specifically factors related to the translator’s prediction
of how the intended reader will react to a particular translation. For this
purpose I will draw on personal experience rather than interviews with other
translators. In the latter part of the article, I will look at how various
workplace procedures may determine the final translation, possibly overriding
considerations related to reader reaction.
Reader reaction to translation can
be considered from two points of view: from the point of view of reception,
there is the actual reaction of the reader; from the point of view of
production, there is the reaction imagined in the mind of the translator. It is
the imagined reaction which will be of concern here. The reader I will be
thinking of is a unilingual Anglophone living in the city of Vancouver who
visits a Web site that contains translated French. I will not be considering
the possibly different reactions of readers who have less knowledge of Canada
(Americans or Australians for example) or of Anglo-Quebeckers, who will have
much more familiarity with Quebec and with French than a Vancouverite.[2]
Here are three kinds of reader
reaction that might be taken into consideration by the translator:
·
readability: does the wording of the translation make
for easy or not-so-easy reading?
·
misunderstanding: how likely is it that the reader
will attribute a meaning that differs from the French, or perhaps not
understand the translation at all?
·
cultural awareness: will the translation evoke in the
reader a sense that the text emanates from another culture?[3]
1.1 Québec
Let’s see how these three factors
might apply in the translation of the name of the capital city of Quebec. The
following table shows six possible translations and rates them in terms of the
three factors. I present the translations in a short sentence, which means that
I will not be considering the ways in which the rest of the text may influence
the reader’s reaction; this should not materially affect what I say about the
candidate translations.
The meeting will be held in
|
otherness evoked? |
hard to read? |
misunderstanding likely? |
1. Quebec City |
no |
no |
no |
2. Québec City |
yes |
no |
no |
3. Québec |
yes |
no |
yes |
4. the city of Québec |
yes |
possibly |
no |
5. the Quebec capital |
no |
possibly |
information added |
6. the province’s capital |
no |
possibly |
information added |
Translation 1 is the city’s
traditional name in English, and still by far the most common way
English-speaking Canadians refer to it, both in speech and in writing. The same
device is used to distinguish city names elsewhere in the world: the capital of
Mexico is Mexico City in English, not Mexico as in Spanish. Translation 1 is
easy to read and will not give rise to any misunderstanding. However it does
not evoke cultural otherness, unlike Translation 2, which does evoke otherness
through use of the acute accent on the ‘é’. Accents are very visible markers of
otherness in an English text because they are not part of the English
orthographic system. Translation 2 would appear to be ideal if one wants to
evoke otherness while retaining readability and avoiding misunderstanding, but
interestingly, this translation is specifically disapproved by the Editors’
Association of Canada on the ground of its hybrid nature: “Québec City makes no sense in either
language” (2000:77). The English versions of Government of Quebec Web
sites (...gouv.qc.ca) regularly use Québec City.
Translation 3 again evokes
otherness, and it is not hard to read. However it is very likely to give rise
to misunderstanding. Place names very commonly occur after such prepositions as
‘to’ or (as in the present example) ‘in’, and in these cases it may not be
clear whether the reference is to the city or to the province of Quebec.
A query in TransSearch (www.tsrali.com), a bilingual database that
matches the English and French versions of Canada’s parliamentary proceedings
(Hansard) for the years 1986-2003, yielded 23 hits for the query “go+..to
Quebec City”/aller+..à Québec” (i.e., all those passages where a form of the
verb ‘go’ followed within 25 words by the expression ‘to Quebec City’ corresponded
to a form of the verb ‘aller’ followed within 25 words by the expression ‘à
Québec’). There were 0 hits when the English query phrase was set to “go+..to
Québec” or “go+..to Québec City”. While the database does not distinguish
original English from translated English, it is clear that the English version
of Hansard does not use the accent mark and also avoids the use of ‘Québec’
alone for the name of this city.
Interestingly the usage in Hansard
is contrary to the Canadian Government’s style guide, The Canadian Style, which says that “Montréal and Québec (the city)
retain their accents in English” (1997:264). The
guide takes as its authority the rules of the Geographical Names Board of
Canada that were in effect at the time it was published (http://geonames.nrcan.gc.ca/info/princip1990_e.php).
However the Board’s members, many of them geographers, were probably thinking
not of texts but of maps, where it would be obvious that ‘Québec’ is a city
name, not a province name.
No government-wide official rules
have ever been enunciated by a federal authority concerning the translation of
French place names into English in running text. However, some government
institutions do from time to time provide translators with rules, and these do
not necessarily conform with The Canadian
Style. For example, the instructions from the Immigration and Refugee Board
state that ‘Montreal’, ‘Quebec’ (the province) and ‘Quebec City’ are to be
written without accents. Also, an Alta Vista search of Government of Canada Web
sites (...gc.ca) showed that ‘Québec City’ is used, but not nearly as often as
the unaccented form: there were 1,124 hits for the accented form, as compared
to 5,254 hits for ‘Quebec City’.[4]
The
Canadian Style specifies (1997:269) that the name of the province is
‘Quebec’ (with no accent). But the above examples of translation instructions
and actual texts suggest that the Government’s translators and other writers
realize that The Canadian Style’s
contrast[5]
between the city name (with accent) and the province name (without accent)
completely ignores the fact that presence versus absence of an accent mark is
not a feature that is used to distinguish two words in the English orthographic
system. In sentences such as the one under consideration in the chart that
begins this section, where the city’s name follows a preposition, our
unilingual Anglophone in Vancouver will not decide whether the city or the
province is intended by looking to see whether there is an accent present or
not.
Turning now to Translation 4, ‘the
city of Québec’, which happens to be one of the two translations recommended by
the City of Montréal Style Guide:
“in Québec or in the
city of Québec (not Quebec City
or Québec City)” (2001:9). This translation evokes otherness (through the accent)
and avoids the problem of misunderstanding after prepositions (through the
words ‘the city of’). However there may be a problem of readability in that
this wording may not fit into the structure of certain sentences (‘He visited
Vancouver, Halifax and the city of Québec’).[6]
The descriptive translations 5 and 6
may also not fit into certain sentence structures. In addition, like
Translation 4, they are rather wordy and therefore not suited for repetition in
a text which refers frequently to this city. Finally, 5 and 6 add information
not contained in the French original: both add the information that this city
is the capital, and 6 adds information about Quebec’s constitutional status as
a province of Canada, which in some politically sensitive texts might be
incompatible with the intention of the French writer.
1.2 Radio-Canada
The next proper name to be
considered is the name of a federal institution, Canada’s state broadcaster,
which is called “the CBC” (Canadian Broadcasting Corporation) in English and
“(Société) Radio-Canada” in French. The Corporation is organized into separate
English and French radio and television networks. Here is a sentence with five
possible translations of “Radio-Canada”:
Her new documentary will be airing on
|
otherness evoked? |
hard to read? |
misunderstanding likely? |
1. Radio-Canada |
possibly |
no |
yes |
2. Radio-Canada
|
probably |
no |
yes |
3. the French network of the CBC |
no |
no, unless repeated |
no |
4. Radio-Canada [the French network of
the CBC] |
yes |
yes, if many brackets in text |
no |
5. the CBC |
no |
no |
yes |
The French name of the Corporation,
in Translations 1 and 2, will not be recognized by many English-Canadians
outside Quebec. Indeed some may confuse it with the Corporation’s international
broadcasting service, Radio Canada International, though they may wonder why
there is a hyphen (a very common feature of French but not English proper
names, so that removal of the hyphen, as in ‘Shawinigan South’, creates a more
English feel). Some readers of Translations 1 and 2 may also mistakenly believe
that the documentary will be airing on radio rather than on television, for in
everyday English the word ‘radio’ does not include television broadcasting.
These translations are not hard to read because the form will be familiar from
expressions like “Radio Free Europe”. However, since the form is familiar, the
cultural otherness of the entity in question may not be apparent. The
probability of evoking otherness will be greater with Translation 2, especially
if French words elsewhere in the text are italicized.
Translation 3 simply describes the French nature of the
entity; it does not embody cultural
otherness (there are no accent marks or obviously unEnglish words). Unlike
Translations 1 and 2, it will not give rise to misunderstanding. While it is
not hard to read, it is lengthy and therefore would not bear repetition (though
this could be remedied by simply writing “French CBC”).
Translation 4 makes it clear,
through the presence of the English in brackets, that ‘Radio-Canada’ is intended
to be French. However, the bracketed expression will add to the reading burden,
especially if there are a great many such explanatory additions in the text.
There is no likelihood of misunderstanding unless context fails to make it
clear that television rather than radio is meant.
Translation 5 will almost certainly
be misunderstood: our Vancouver reader will assume that the documentary will be
broadcast on the Corporation’s English network. The sense of cultural otherness
is completely absent.
Note that, unlike the case with
Quebec City, there is no translation available which simultaneously prevents
misunderstanding, is easy to read, and evokes otherness, though Translation 4
would qualify in this regard provided the text is not full of bracketed explanations.
1.3 Acadie
Here is a sentence containing a
reference to the French-speaking region of the province of New Brunswick, in
eastern Canada:
Ronald Tremblay roule sa bosse dans la
francophonie canadienne depuis 1976. Ses principaux ports d’attache ont été
l’Acadie et l’Alberta où il demeure depuis 1985.
Ronald Tremblay has been all around French-speaking Canada since 1976,
mostly staying in ..................... and Alberta (where he has been living
since 1985).
|
otherness evoked? |
hard to read? |
misunderstanding likely? |
1. Acadia |
possibly |
no |
possibly |
2. French New Brunswick
or the
French-speaking part of New
Brunswick
|
no |
no, unless repeated |
no |
3. New Brunswick |
no |
no |
yes |
Translation 1 anglicizes the French
name of the region and therefore cultural otherness may or may not be evoked in
the reader. The result is not hard to read, but the name, even with the
anglicization, may not be recognized by English Canadians who have never lived
in the eastern provinces of Canada. Still, there may be some readers in
Vancouver who recognize the word, and for them Translation 1 will
simultaneously avoid misunderstanding, be easy to read and evoke otherness.
Translation 2 has the same
characteristics as Translation 3 of Radio-Canada. Translation 3 has the same
characteristics as Translation 5 of Radio-Canada except that, rather than
creating misunderstanding, it eliminates part of the meaning, by naming the
province as a whole rather than just its French-speaking area.
1.4 Commission québécoise des libérations conditionnelles
While some Quebec
institutions have official English names, most do not. Let’s look at possible
translations of one such institution, the parole board. Quebec and two other
provinces of Canada have their own parole boards, institutionally separate from
the National Parole Board operated by the central government (the Quebec board
is not a branch of the national board).
You must apply to
|
otherness evoked? |
hard to read? |
misunderstanding likely? |
1. the Commission québécoise des libérations
conditionnelles |
yes |
yes |
yes (possibly no understanding at all) |
2. the Commission
québécoise des libérations conditionnelles |
yes |
yes, but less so |
yes (possibly no understanding at all) |
3. the CQLC [Quebec parole board] |
yes |
somewhat |
no |
4. the Parole Board |
no |
no |
possibly |
5. the Quebec parole board; or Quebec’s
parole board |
no |
no |
no |
6. the provincial parole board |
no |
no |
information added |
While Translation 1 certainly evokes
otherness, it will be very hard for a unilingual Anglophone to read, and
misunderstanding is very likely; indeed, depending on what other information is
available from context, the reader may be completely baffled. Unlike the case
with place names, institutions tend to have names whose parts need to be
understood in order for the message to get across to target-language readers.
Translation 2 is somewhat less hard to read because the italics visually signal
the special status of these words in the text.
Translation 3 evokes otherness to a
degree (assuming the reader notices that CQLC is not an acronym for the English
words ‘Quebec parole board’). This translation is somewhat hard to read because
the acronym is not transparent. However because of the bracketed expression,
there will not be any misunderstanding. If the institution is referred to again
later in the text as ‘the CQLC’, with no explanatory bracket, readers may have
forgotten the explanation, and if they cannot then easily find the earlier
occurrence, they may not understand the sentence. Still, of the six
translations, Translation 3 comes closest to simultaneously avoiding
misunderstanding, being easy to read, and evoking otherness. It is not as
successful in this regard, however, as Translation 1 of ‘Acadie’, and it is far
less successful than Translation 2 of ‘Québec’.
Translation 4 eliminates the sense
of otherness. While it is easy to read, there is a risk of complete
misunderstanding: the reader may think the reference is to the National Parole
Board. This risk is eliminated by Translation 5 but here, cultural otherness is
simply described rather than being embodied in the words of the translation.
Translation 6 adds a reference to the constitutional status of Quebec, which
may be contrary to the source writer’s intent.
Let’s now look at institution names
in some longer sentences.
1. One of our partners was Destination Centre-Ville,
which is the Société d'initiatives et de développement des artères
commerciales for downtown Montreal. |
At the Bureau de la mise en œuvre du
partenariat public-privé of the Ministère des transports, our interest is
mainly in electronic payment services. |
2. One of our partners was Destination Centre-Ville, the Société
d'initiatives et de développement des artères commerciales [commercial
development association for downtown Montreal]. |
At the Quebec transportation ministry’s Bureau de la mise en œuvre du partenariat
public-privé, which is responsible for creating transportation
infrastructure in partnership with the private sector, our interest is mainly
in electronic payment services. |
3. One of our partners was the commercial
development association for downtown Montreal. |
At the office for public-private
partnerships of the Quebec Department of transport, our interest is mainly in
electronic payment services. |
In the two sentences in Box 1, the
French institution names are untranslated and unitalicized. These sentences are
almost unreadable, and their meaning is unlikely to come across to our
unilingual Anglophone from Vancouver.
In Box 2, the names are italicized
and are followed by either an informal translation in brackets or an
explanation. The meaning comes across, but the reading process will be awkward.
In Box 3, the French names have been eliminated. These sentences are highly
readable and understandable, but despite the mentions of Quebec and Montreal,
cultural otherness will not be evoked. Note how, on the right side of Boxes 2
and 3, the treatment of the Quebec Government’s Ministère des transports is somewhat different from the treatment
of the other institution name. In Box 2, a translated description is used; in
Box 3, an English institution name is used, modelled on the English name of the
federal government’s Department of Transport, except that ‘transport’ is
lower-cased to indicate that the English is not official in Quebec. (Such
lower-casing is common practice among Canadian translators working into
English, though one may wonder whether readers understand its intended
significance).
Sometimes translators make their
decision about the treatment of Quebec institution names on the basis of a
style guide or client instructions. Here the situation is rather varied. The
Quebec Government insists on leaving the names of government institutions in
French, without translation or explanation added[7].
The federal government’s style guide The
Canadian Style contains no instructions on translating Quebec institution
names. The Canadian Press Style Book
says that “Stories peppered with French break the flow and make reading
difficult” and it recommends anglicization (1999:202-3), which means that one
should write ‘University
of Montreal’, not ‘Université de Montréal’, and ‘Quebec College of
Veterinarians’ rather than ‘Order of Veterinary Doctors of Quebec’ for ‘Ordre
des médecins vétérinaires du Québec’. As
this latter example shows, use of capital letters on all major words in a name
(contrary to the practice in French) contributes to creating familiarity for
English readers; the capitalization is however somewhat misleading since in
fact this institution does not have an official English name.
1.5 Canada,
canadien
With this place name, the issue is
not whether French words will be retained, but rather what happens, in terms of
reader reaction, when the corresponding English words (Canada, Canadian) are
used in translations from French. As we will see, what happens is that in some
cases, the English words will be used in ways which are not normal in English
Canada, and as a result translators may seek other solutions.
In French, the word ‘canadien’ can
have one of several different meanings: (i) pan-Canadian, that is, Canadian in
the English sense of the word, referring to the country as a whole; (ii)
federal, that is, pertaining to the central government; (iii) English-Canadian,
that is, Canada minus Quebec. In English-speaking Canada, ‘Canadian’ is used in
sense (ii) only in specialized (mostly legal) contexts; and it is used in sense
(iii) only by that segment of the political left which adheres to the view that
Canada is not a single nation but consists of two nations (Quebec and [English]
Canada)[8].
With regard to sense (ii), it is
commonplace in French writing to refer to federal government departments as
‘canadien’: ‘ministère de la justice canadien’. However English-Canadian
readers (unlike Anglophone audiences outside Canada) will be baffled if this is
translated ‘Canadian department of justice’, because that will be taken to mean
the Canadian as opposed to, say, the U.S. or Italian department of justice. The
normal way English-Canadians distinguish a department of the central government
from a department of a provincial government is to use the adjective ‘federal’:
‘federal Department of Justice’ as opposed to “Quebec Department of Justice”. A
translation that uses the word ‘federal’ might of course be contrary to the
intent of whoever wrote ‘ministère de la justice canadien’, since for some
readers ‘federal’ will evoke a contrast with ‘provincial’, thus creating a
reference to Quebec’s constitutional status as a province (not a ‘nation’).
Here is an example of sense (iii) of
‘canadien/Canada’:
La mise sur pied au printemps 2002
du Consortium - Ouranos sur la climatologie régionale et l’adaptation aux changements
climatiques vise
justement à combler les lacunes identifiées en la matière. Il résulte d’un
partenariat institutionnel regroupant plusieurs ministères québécois,
Hydro-Québec, des universités québécoises et des partenaires canadiens. [In spring 2002, the Ouranos
consortium on regional climatology and adaptation to climate change was
established to make up for these deficiencies. It brought together in an
institutional partnership several Quebec government departments, Hydro-Quebec,
some Quebec universities and......’]
Translating
the last three words of the second sentence as ‘some Canadian partners’ will
either baffle or annoy most Anglophone readers, since it seems to imply that
Hydro-Quebec and Quebec universities are not Canadian institutions. To avoid
such an implication, and the consequent reader reaction, the translator might
resort to a wording such as ‘partners elsewhere in Canada’.
Similarly the expression ‘au Québec
et au Canada’ might be translated ‘in Quebec and in the rest of Canada’ if the
aim is to avoid annoying Anglophone readers. There are two exceptions: first,
contexts where it is clear that the expression means ‘in Quebec in particular
and in Canada in general (i.e. Canada including Quebec rather than Canada minus
Quebec)’, for example in a statistical text that might be entitled ‘a study of
educational achievement in Quebec and Canada’; and second, legal contexts where
an expression such as ‘agreement between Quebec and Canada’ is commonly used to
mean ‘between the Quebec government and the federal government’.
Since the difficulty in translating
‘Canada / canadien’ is related to the question of whether Quebec is seen as a
‘nation’, let’s briefly look at translations of the French word ‘national’ in
institution names. Consider four possible translations of the Quebec
institution known as the ‘Bibliothèque nationale du Québec’:
1. the BNQ (Quebec’s provincial library)
2. Quebec’s provincial library
3. the National Library of Quebec
4. the National Library
Translations 1 and 2 replace the
notion of the library as an institution of the Quebec ‘nation’ with a reference
to the constitutional status of Quebec as a province of Canada. Translation 3
may annoy some readers for the reason already given, though other readers may
take it as paralleling the name of Quebec’s legislature, which has long been
referred to in English Canada as the ‘National Assembly’. Translation 4 may,
depending on context, risk confusion with the National Library of Canada, a
federal institution.[9],[10]
This concludes my consideration of
the reader-reaction factor in determining the selection of a particular
translation of a place name or institution name. An interesting question is the
extent to which conscious consideration of reader reaction plays a role in
translation. Other factors, to be considered in the remainder of the article,
may be the deciding ones. Of course, even when anticipated reader reaction
plays a negligible role, the real reader will still experience the sometimes
subtle effects of a particular translation that have been discussed above.
Empirical study of such actual effects would be of great interest: because of
the frequency with which proper names occur, their translation has a far more
pervasive sociopolitical effect on readers than the translations of more
overtly ideological expressions (e.g. will ‘souverainté’ be translated ‘sovereignty’
or ‘separation’?).
In this section, I want to briefly
consider how the translator may be affected by parties to the translation
process other than the imagined future reader.
First, clients. A translator might
justify a translation by saying ‘the client said to do it that way’. Here the
translator adopts a servant role vis-à-vis the paymaster, and claims to have
translated in the specified way regardless of any reader-related factors. What
role client wishes actually play in determining how certain expressions are
translated has never been studied. Under what circumstances do translators
ignore these wishes? To what extent do clients have editors who override the
translator’s decision if it doesn’t conform to the client’s wishes? These are
questions which merit study.
Second, authors. A translator may
consider the reaction of Francophone source-text authors to a particular
English translation, at least with ‘outbound’ translations—those commissioned
by the authors themselves or by someone else on the source-language side. With
‘inbound’ translations—those commissioned on the target-language side—the
author will often not know that the text is being translated.
Third, the organized translation
profession: does it have anything to say about the kinds of decisions we are
considering? No, to judge by the Code of Ethics of the Canadian Translators and
Interpreters Council (http://www.synapse.net/ctic/e_ethics.htm). It would
probably be hard for such an organization to prepare a position that most
translators would agree to, because there are two conflicting views on such
matters: that translators should be guided by others (follow style guides,
follow client instructions), and that translators should use their own
judgment, possibly overriding any prescriptions.
Finally, what about the role of
those who hire translators (whether as salaried employees or contractors)? If
the employer of a translator is a culture ministry or book publisher, then it
might be expected to take an interest in decisions about partly
cultural/ideological matters such as proper name translation. Until 1993, the
Canadian federal government’s Translation Bureau was part of the culture
ministry (known as the Department of the Secretary of State), and cultural
considerations did perhaps have some influence on the translation into English
of French proper names. For example, by the late 1970s the practice of
anglicizing Quebec place names when referring to them in English was being
discouraged (the city of Trois-Rivières used to be referred to as Three Rivers;
the region of Quebec adjacent to Ontario along the Ottawa River, now called
‘the Outaouais’, was known as the Ottawa Valley, the name used on the Ontario
side of the border). Use of the French name rather than an anglicized version
was codified in the Government’s style guide, prepared by the Translation
Bureau and published in 1985.[11]
Since 1995, the Translation Bureau
has been operating within the government services ministry (Public Works and
Government Services Canada), and on a cost-recovery basis; that is, it has to
sell its translations to government departments and thereby cover salary and
other costs. Under these circumstances, economic pressures (notably maximizing
revenue per unit time) have perhaps come to be more important than cultural
ones. In the next section, I suggest that economic pressures from employers
manifest themselves in the form of various workplace procedures that may play a
determining role in proper name translation, perhaps overriding all the factors
we have considered so far.
If a translator were asked to
explain why he had translated ‘Bibliothèque nationale du Québec’ as ‘Quebec
provincial library’, he might give a reader-reaction explanation: “I wanted to
maximize readability” or “I wanted to avoid annoying readers with the notion of
Quebec having a ‘national’ library”. Alternatively the translator might invoke
instructions from clients, authors, employers or style guides, as discussed in
the previous section.
A rather different kind of answer,
which I now want to consider at some length, is: “we always do it that way”.
This answer is somewhat ambiguous; at a more conscious level, it may mean that
the translation service where the translator works prizes consistency; or it
may mean that a style guide adopted by the translation service specifies a
certain way of translating. At a more unconscious level, this answer may
manifest the workings of political ideology (denial of Quebec as a nation).
However all these interpretations of the answer have one thing in common: they
all concern habits.
As everyone in the profession knows,
adopting a habitual way of translating a particular expression serves to speed
up the translation process. Speed is of course a key economic consideration:
the faster one translates, the more money one makes (or the more money one’s
employer makes). Every time one stops to make a judgment, rather than use a
habitual translation for an expression, valuable time is used up. Any workplace
practice which allows the translator to avoid making a conscious decision about
how to translate an expression will be favoured when speed is of the essence. Thus
the answer to the question ‘why was this expression translated this way’ may
have nothing to do with the specific passage at hand, or the anticipated
reactions of the reader; the answer may simply be: habit.
Now, the demand for speed can affect
translation not only by encouraging the use of habitual translations but also
by encouraging practices which so to speak ‘pre-select’ a given translation
(though not necessarily the same translation every time). Specifically, I am
thinking of practices related to re-using old translations or re-using existing
documentation in the target language.
Consider the following sentence
fragment from a text sent by Quebec’s transportation ministry to the federal
Department of Transport, commenting on federal policy (a translation was
requested for Anglophones in the federal Department):
...passe
par l’architecture canadienne des systèmes de transport intelligents...
An original English document on intelligent
transportation systems (ITS), found on a federal Department of Transport Web
site, contained the following phrase:
...depends
on a national ITS architecture...
The translator (the present writer) cut-and-pasted the
entire English sentence containing this phrase, which proved to be
incorporable, with a small amount of editing, into the translation. If no such
document had been found, some other translation of ‘canadienne’ might have
resulted, perhaps ‘Canada-wide’, or ‘pan-Canadian’, or even ‘federal’.
‘National’ has no special merit as a translation, but it was present in an
existing English sentence that lent itself to cutting-and-pasting, and
therefore it was used. In cut-and-paste translation, one does not contrast the
merits of several different translations; one simply asks whether the candidate
for pasting is adequate. A cut-and-paste procedure sometimes proves to be
faster than composing a fresh translation.
Another effect of the demand for
increased speed is a reduction of the time allowed for quality control. Less
quality control means less enforcing of rules. Thus a certain employer may well
have proclaimed certain rules about the translation of place names and
institution names, but the smaller the amount of time devoted to enforcing
these rules, the less effect they will have on the outcome. As a result, while
each individual translator may use a habitual translation, it may not be the
one desired by the employer, and furthermore it may not be the one habitually
used by that translator’s colleagues. It will be a case of “this is the way I always do it” rather than “this is the
way we always do it”. Habit will
still operate, but the result will be diversity rather than uniformity in a
large body of translations.
The two factors just discussed
(reduction in quality control time and use of cut-and-paste to compose
translations) can of course combine to create great diversity in the way a
particular proper name is translated: the different documents from which
translators perform cut-and-paste operations may well have differing treatments
of a given proper name, and if translations are not subject to
thorough quality control, then such inconsistencies will not be eliminated.
A final effect of speed is of course
carelessness. A translator in a hurry may simply not notice that there are any
issues surrounding the translation of ‘architecture canadienne’ in the above
example. He will quickly write ‘Canadian architecture’ and rush on to the next
bit of the text, not noticing that ‘Canadian’ suggests a contrast with other
countries, a contrast not intended by the French writer of the source text.
In this article, I have suggested
several factors that may influence the translation of proper names, but I have
not mentioned the translator’s own views, conscious and unconscious. For
example, to what extent does the translator believe that readability should
outweigh any consideration related to evoking cultural otherness? To what
degree does the translator follow rules even when they are not being enforced?
What are the translator’s own views about the relationship between Quebec and
the rest of Canada? These beliefs will surely have some effect on the outcome.
That said, however, I want to conclude by suggesting that the role of workplace
procedures as determining factors in translation has not received as much attention
as it deserves.
There has been a tendency in
Translation Studies to focus on conscious decision-making by the translator or
on the political/cultural/ideological goals of commissioners and translators.
The fact that translation is an economic activity, one which people engage in
not just to get messages across but to make a living, or a profit, has not yet
fully registered in our field. Translations are created in workplaces, and the
translation of frequent textual features such as proper names will I think
prove to be an area where workplace procedures play an important role.
references
Department of the
Secretary of State (1985): The
Canadian Style: A Guide to Writing and Editing, Toronto and London, Dundurn
Press.
Editors’ Association of
Canada (2000): Editing
Canadian English, 2nd edition, Toronto, Macfarlane Walter & Ross.
Public Works and
Government Services Canada (1997): The Canadian Style: A Guide to Writing and Editing, revised
edition, Toronto and Oxford, Dundurn Press.
Tasko,
Patti, ed. (1999): The Canadian Press
Stylebook, 11th edition, Toronto, The Canadian Press.
Trahan, Victor
(2001): City of Montréal Style Guide: a
handbook for translators, writers and editors, Montreal, Service du greffe,
Ville de Montréal.
[1]At the ‘most conscious’ level, the
translator would formulate to himself the reason for translating an expression
in a certain way while translating it. At a lower level, a macrodecision would
be made, before translation begins, about the treatment of proper names; certain
choices would then flow from this when a name is encountered in the text. At a
still lower level, the translator’s individual approach to translation, or
personal ideological stance, would dictate a certain choice without much
conscious thought.
[2] Non-Canadian readers should realize that
few residents of Vancouver will come into routine contact with French, apart
from signs on federal government buildings. French is in fact not much used
outside Quebec and parts of two adjacent provinces. In addition, few
Vancouverites can read French. On the 1996 census, only 7.4% of those in the
Vancouver area reported knowledge of both English and French; almost all of
this would represent knowledge of French as a second language since only 1.4%
of the population had French as their first language. Canada is not a bilingual
society. Rather it has federal institutional bilingualism (the central
government operates across the country in both languages). The individual
provinces, within their constitutional areas of jurisdiction, have their own
language regimes. One province (New Brunswick) is officially bilingual and one
province (Quebec) is officially unilingual. The rest have no official language;
in practice they operate in English, though a few (not including British Columbia,
on the Pacific coast of Canada, where Vancouver is located) have legislation
under which certain services are provided in French to the linguistic
minority.
[3] Another possibility, ignored here for simplicity’s sake, is that the reader will take the text to be original English, but with non-English features present for reasons of local colour, snob appeal or political correctness.
[4] Unfortunately there is no way to search
in Alta Vista for cases where Québec occurs in an English text without the word City following, yet is
still a reference to the city rather than the province.
[5] The first edition of The Canadian Style, published in 1985,
made the contrast in a single sentence: “Quebec (the province) is to be written
in English without the accent, whereas Québec
(the city) retains the accent”
(1985:227).
[6] Writing ‘He visited Vancouver, Halifax
and Québec’ may be somewhat baffling: English-Canadians are not used to
referring to the city in this way, and therefore they will have to make a
conscious deduction that the city rather than the province is intended. Oral
announcements on Air Canada flights sometimes use Québec without City, but the
context makes the intention clear since flights are always bound for specific
cities.
[7] Many English translations on Quebec
Government Web sites, and on some sites run by the Quebec regional offices of
federal government departments, border on the unreadable because of
non-translation of institution names, combined with an absence of italicization
to visually separate French from English. Reader comprehension will often be
limited to Anglo-Quebeckers, who are used to seeing French institution names,
and a very high percentage of whom are bilingual. Here’s an example (see
qc.ec.gc.ca/atmos/smog/infogen_e.html ): “INFO-SMOG is a joint program of the
Ministère de la Santé et des Services sociaux du Québec in collaboration with
the Directions de la santé publique, the City of Montréal, the Quebec ministry
of the Environment (MEQ) and Environment Canada (EC). The warnings issued by
the INFO-SMOG program are enriched by the participation of the ministère des
Transports du Québec.”. It might be of interest to compare these government
information sites directed at Anglo-Quebeckers with pages directed at
international audiences such as tourists, investors or prospective immigrants.
[8] Simplifying somewhat for non-Canadian
readers, the view of Canada as a binational entity is held by the overwhelming
majority of French-speaking Quebeckers, whether they are politically ‘federalists’
or ‘sovereignists’. They see themselves as ‘Québécois’ who also happen to be
citizens of a federation called Canada. The great majority of English-Canadians
have a very different view: that Canada is a single nation divided into ten
provinces, in one of which most people happen to speak French. They see
themselves as ‘Canadians’ first, and secondarily as residents of one of the
provinces.
[9] Many texts refer to both a federal
institution and the parallel Quebec institution, which may have exactly the same
name: the Ministère des transports (department of transport], the Commission de
la Capitale Nationale [national capital commission]. The translator’s choice of
wording is often explainable in terms of avoiding reader uncertainty as to
which institution (federal or provincial) is being referred to at any given
point in the text.
[10] Not all uses of ‘national’ in French
have ideological implications. For example, in the Quebec Government’s
terminology bank, the Grand dictionnaire
terminologique, the English equivalent of ‘route nationale’ is given as
‘main road’.
[11] This was part of a broader trend in Canadian society that also manifested itself in the replacement of English or French place names by Aboriginal place names. Thus in 1987, the town of Frobisher Bay was officially renamed Iqaluit; it is now the capital of the Territory of Nunavut, where the majority speak Inuktitut. It may be noted that the town described at the outset of this article as having the French name ‘Shawinigan-Sud’ actually has a mixed name: the second word is French, but the first is Abenaki (one of the Algonquian languages).