[T]he poetry we have had in
this country is a poetry without even a trace of revolutionary
feeling—in either language or politics . . . . it is startling
to realize that in the last twenty years there have been almost
no poems touching on political subjects, although such concerns
have been present daily.
—Robert Bly, "A Wrong Turning in American Poetry," 1963
Twentieth-century
American poets have generally run in fear of history.After all, the century's poetry has been influenced in succession
by groups of poets whose aesthetics urged them to turn their backs
on historical realities. . . . this century's poetic mainstream
has remained fairly static in one regard: its careful avoidance
of public history.What brought American poetry to this curious
state in the first place?
—Kevin Stein, Private Poets, Worldly Acts, 1996
In their statements about contemporary poetry’s political uninvolvement,
Bly and Stein overlook one of the richest instances of where this
is not the case: poetry which grew out of the Civil Rights Movement
of the 1950s, 1960s, and early 1970s. Perhaps such oversights help
explain why, more than thirty years after the murder of Dr. Martin
Luther King, Jr.—often mistakenly referred to as the end of the
Movement—no thorough investigation of the relationship between poetry
and civil rights issues exists. The absence of sustained critical
discourse with regard to this poetry is one of the more disturbing
facts of contemporary American literary history. This is regretful
not only because this particular genre has suffered neglect, but
also because it is arguably impossible to fully appreciate (or be
considered literate about) the Civil Rights Movement without at
least cursory knowledge of the intersections between cultural politics
and cultural productions.Likewise, it is also impossible to have
a firm grasp on (or be conversant about) the continuum of contemporary
poetry without familiarity with the rich lines and stanzas that
evolved from the most significant social movement of twentieth-century
America.
I contend that the primary purpose of many poets of the period
was, of course, to speak out by way of verse against injustice.
Furthermore, the immediate artistic expression was often deftly
coupled with a conscious effort to unite the social with the aesthetic,
and to capture and preserve the traumatic history of a country in
violent, racialized turmoil. These writers also observed and critiqued
the nation's various de facto/de jure political transitions,
especially those concerning integration, education, and housing.
In other words, poets such as Gwendolyn Brooks, Amiri Baraka, Lucille
Clifton, Nikki Giovanni, Michael S. Harper, Don L. Lee, Sonia Sanchez,
Alice Walker and numerous others represented a thematically entwined
collective writing against forgetting. They were often attempting
to ensure that generations of Americans would not fall prey to historical
amnesia.
Another concern of many poets was to illuminate the interconnectedness
of historical and present day struggle. Such intersections and linkages
with regard to the Movement and literature are multidimensional
and help to situate readers inside or close to the historical sites
they discuss. One of the most eloquent examples of a poem that accomplishes
this type of polyvocal milieu and audience "relocation" is Michael
S. Harper's "Here Where Coltrane Is." This extraordinary elegy is
a complex interdisciplinary record of how the poet was moved as
an artist to create a lyrical response to Coltrane's musical response
to Martin Luther King, Jr's oral response to the 1963 bombing of
Birmingham's Sixteenth Street Baptist Church.As a result, Harper's
poem intersects, bridges, and unites several discursive, aesthetic
practices: history and oral tradition; oral tradition and music;
and music, poetry, and again history, though not necessarily in
this particular order. In this essay I will use "Here Where Coltrane
Is" as a primary representative poetic text in order to help illustrate
the matrix of expressive elements that often informed poetry inspired
by the American Civil Rights Movement.
1. Historical Occasion
Knowledge of one of the Movement’s more significant incidents is
essential to understanding the transgenre embrace exhibited throughout
Harper's poem. On September 15, 1963 four young African-American
girls lost their lives when fifteen sticks of explosives destroyed
the Sixteenth Street Baptist Church of Birmingham, Alabama. Primarily
responsible was Birmingham Klansman Robert Edward Chambliss, also
known to his friends in the Eastview 13 Klavern as "Dynamite Bob.
"The four who died were Addie Mae Collins, Carole Robertson, and
Cynthia Wesley, all fourteen; and Denise McNair, eleven.Approximately
twenty others were injured (Hampton and Fayer 171-172). The
bombing, an attempt to terrorize, intimidate, and prevent the Black
community from fully cooperating in school integration, went unpunished
for more than a decade even though an eyewitness claimed to have
seen Chambliss and three other men plant the bomb. Chambliss was
convicted in 1977, while Thomas Blanton and Bobby Frank Cherry were
sentenced to life in 2000 and 2001, respectively, more than thirty
years after the explosion. Immediately following the bombing, according
to Sandra Bullard,
white
supremacist leader Connie Lynch told a group of Klansmen that those
responsible for the bombing deserved 'medals.'Lynch said the four
young girls who died there 'weren't children. Children are little
people, little human beings, and that means white people. . . .
They're just little niggers . . . and if there's four less niggers
tonight, then I say, Good for whoever planted the bomb!'(Bullard,
63)
The
racist notion of African-Americans as less than human and deserving
of barbaric treatment was by no means a novel concept in 1963, but
what made the bombing and Lynch's comments so devastating was the
growing belief or hope that racism was on the decline. Among those
who had internalized and publicly expressed such optimism was Coretta
Scott King. She recalls,
It happened right after the March on Washington which was such
a great experience. It was a great moment of fulfillment, when
Martin gave his 'I Have a Dream' speech, and we really felt
the sense of progress, that people came together, black and
white, even though the South was totally segregated. We felt
that sense of oneness, and we had the feeling that the dream
could be realized. And then, a few weeks later, came this bombing
in Birmingham, with four innocent little girls. Then you realized
how intense the opposition was. (Hampton and Fayer, 174)
The
terrorist act conducted by the opposition served to jolt workers
and followers of the Movement out of any realm of complacency they
may have entered. There was, as King suggests, a certain justified
air of optimism after the politically and spiritually-charged March
on Washington. The desire to enjoy and even bask in the afterglow
of the March is completely understandable, especially if one considers
that prior to this historic interracial/interethnic moment, the
Movement had been involved with such emotionally-taxing struggles
as the Brown v. the Board of Education of Topekadecision
in 1954, the Emmett Till murder of 1955, the Montgomery bus boycott
of 1955 and 1956, and the Little Rock crisis of 1957 and 1958.In
addition, the following decade brought about the Freedom Rides of
1961, the James Meredith encounter with the University of Mississippi
in 1962, sit-in demonstrations and Dr. King's arrest in Birmingham
in 1963 (where King penned his famous "Letter from a Birmingham
Jail”), as well as other events that literally served to alter the
course of American history and race relations.Birmingham had also been, months before Chambliss
and others laced the Sixteenth Street Baptist Church with explosives,
the site where Eugene "Bull" Connor, director of public safety and
later sheriff, unleashed police dogs and fire hoses on a peaceful
group of children and young adult marchers. Photographs and videotaped
footage of this brutality were widely published and broadcast, garnering
the Movement increased visibility and substantially more empathy,
particularly from whites in the North. While all of these struggles
and confrontations resulted in either minor or major victories,
they all exacted tremendous individual, group, and community tolls.For
many, the euphoria and cathartic release that resulted from the
March on Washington had been in the making for at least a decade.
Then came the Birmingham explosion, which prompted Martin Luther
King, Jr's eulogy, Coltrane's musical tribute, and Harper's elegy.
2.Oral Response
While the Alabama
incident was extremely disheartening, Dr. King and others remained
determined in their mission to “civilize” the most hostile white
American. They had become adept at using tragedy as a means for
inspiration and motivation. These instances were also used to help
galvanize public support for the Movement. A particularly powerful
example of the manner in which hate and resistance were often appropriated
and transformed can be found in King’s eulogy. His homage for the
children, which passionately intersects history and traditional
Southern Black Baptist preaching, goes as far as to suggest that
the church bombing could possibly unite the city of Birmingham and
the South, if not the entire country.Combining Christian ethos with
his famously rich and punctuated delivery, he assured mourners that
[T]hey
did not die in vain. God still has a way of wringing good out of
evil. History has proven over and over again that unmerited suffering
is redemptive. The innocent blood of these little girls may
well serve as the redemptive force that will bring new light to
this dark city. The spilt
blood of these innocent girls may cause the whole citizenry of Birmingham
to transform the negative extremes of a dark past into the positive
extremes of a bright future. Indeed, this tragic event may cause the white
South to come to terms with its conscience. . . .We must not become bitter; nor must we harbor
the desire to retaliate with violence.We
must not lose faith in our white brothers. Somehow we must believe that the most misguided among them can learn
to respect the dignity and worth of all human personality.(Washington,
116)
In addition to emphasizing
hope over despair, King’s eulogy as a whole encompasses a traditional
dramatic structure. This aspect of Dr. King's eulogy is significant,
not only for its incorporation of cadences King learned from black
sermons and study of literary techniques, but also because it is
fundamentally mirrored by Coltrane's "Alabama" (collected on Coltrane
“Live” at Birdland).
One need not be familiar with the entire text of King’s eulogy in
order to appreciate its construction and purpose. I have identified
passages that signal exposition, rising action, climax, falling
action, and a denouement. The following key excerpts alone should
provide an idea of how the eulogy moves, and how it was possible
for Coltrane to reinterpret both the words and the tonal changes.
Exposition: "This
afternoon we gather in the quiet of this sanctuary to pay our
last tribute of
respect."
Complication or
rising action: "These children—unoffending; innocent and beautiful—
were the victims
of one of the most vicious, heinous crimes."
Turning point or
climax: “The spilt blood of these innocent girls may cause the whole
citizenry of Birmingham
to transform the negative extremes of a dark past into
the positive extremes of a bright future.”
Falling action:
"Death is not a period that ends the great sentence of life, but
a comma
that punctuates
it to more lofty significance."
Denouement (which
includes a paraphrase of Horatio's last words over Hamlet's dead
body): "Good-night
sweet princess; may the flight of angels take thee to thy
eternal rest."(Washington,
116)
3.Musical Response
The
rhythm of King’s eulogy and speeches join the social with the aesthetic
by bringing together dramatic, musical, and rhetorical cadences.
These intersections (i.e., public/artistic) are, of course, often
complex and multilayered. For example, the genre of jazz has a rich
history of responding to public history and social injustice. The
art form also holds an interesting place in American culture when
it comes to race relations. For example, Dr. John R. Straton, a
Baptist Fundamentalist, saw the emergence and popularity of jazz
itself as horrifying."I have no patience with this modern jazz tendency,
whether it be in music, science, social life or religion," Straton
states. He continues by blaming on jazz the purported decadence
of 1920s America: "[Jazz] is part of the lawless spirit which is
being manifested in many departments of life, endangering our civilization
in its general revolt against authority and established order"(Leonard,
37). Jazz was also invested by many with the agency to invoke a
particularly disturbing form of dance, which was often seen as "an
offence [sic] against womanly purity, the very fountainhead of our
family and civil life"(Leonard, 7). Similarly, "Jazz [was] doing
a vast amount of harm to young minds and bodies not yet developed
to resist evil temptation" (Leonard, 37). Or, in short, women and
children were to be protected from and shielded against "the impulse
for wildness" which was for many unfortunately and frightenly "traceable
to the negro influence. "This influence, of course, was feared because
it was perceived as always already threatening to the established
and desired racial-sexual hierarchy. Writing in Jazz and the
White Americans: The Acceptance of A New Art Form, Neil Leonard
sums up much of this fear when he states,
Through miscegenation, 'inferior'
races, like Negroes and orientals, endangered the purity of the
blood. Sensual rather than spiritual by nature, these people offered
a steady temptation to whites. . . And there was still another disquieting
problem: it was feared that the savage passions of the vicious might
nullify the careful abstinence or repression of the virtuous.As
early as the 1860's doctors began to notice that the birth rate
of the 'better' native, white, Protestant families was declining
while that of the poorer, alien groups was rising. People were frightened
to think of growing numbers of 'inferiors' eventually overwhelming
the 'superior' stock.(Leonard, 38)
Thus, jazz and the
places were jazz was performed were to be avoided by white Americans
if they wanted to remain white Americans. In this sense, jazz in
many ways became synonymous with libidinal mythology; meaning, that
those "sensual rather than spiritual" folk of color were overly
intent on infiltrating the "superior stock" by way of "savage passions"
and sexual conquest. Of course this could not be allowed in a "civilized"
society based largely on a system of racial caste
Decades later, with
regard to the Civil Rights Movement which challenged a system of
racial caste and racism, jazz artists such as Tony Bennet, Miles
Davis, Ella Fitzgerald, Abbey Lincoln, Jackie McLean, Oliver Nelson,
Oscar Peterson, Sonny Rollins, Archie Shepp, and Nina Simone offered
musical and personal support. Similarly, in the summer of 1960,
Max Roach and Oscar Brown, Jr. recorded "We Insist! Freedom Now,"
which was written in honor of the four freshmen who, in February
of the same year, staged a sit-in at Woolworth's "Whites Only" lunch
counter in Greensboro, N.C.1960 was also the year Charles Mingus
performed "Prayer for a Passive Resistance" and "Freedom. "The following
year, drummer Art Roach recorded "Freedom Rider" in support of groups
that tested desegregated interstate bus travel.Roach also occasionally
performed at lectures and rallies featuring Malcolm X in the early
and mid 1960s.In August of 1963, prior to the March on Washington,
Duke Ellington staged his protest-oriented musical, "My People,"
as a theatrical celebration of African-Americans and the Civil Rights
Movement.(Bratton, 37-8)
Likewise, one of the
most intricate and moving examples of jazz combined with social
injustice occurred three months later.On November 18, the John Coltrane
Quartet recorded "Alabama" as a requiem for the four girls who died
in Birmingham approximately two months earlier. In addition, as
Harper explains, the song is structured and rendered so as to approximate
the cadences of Dr. King's eulogy. This involves, at least in part,
recreating the dramatic arrangement utilized by Dr. King. Harper,
in an interview with Edward Hirsch, insists,
When
you listen to "Alabama," you understand Coltrane is writing this
melody because he's reading the rhetoric of Martin Luther King's
eulogy for these children. You realize that the man is actually
listening to the words and then you hear, as liner notes, the words
meant to accompany the melody of what they're playing. I mean there
was an exact coordination.(Hirsch, 11)
All of these intersecting
elements--public/social, oral, and musical--form what Geneviève
Fabre and Robert O'Meally would term "a tightly interwoven matrix
of expression for a people who have nurtured a rich oral tradition
and who at the same time have set literacy as a persistently sought
ideal. . . . Both the word on the page and the word spoken in air
can combine . . . to create richly meaningful statements or 'structures
of feeling' ."(Faber&O'Meally, 9)
These
"structures of feeling" resonate throughout King's eulogy and Coltrane's
requiem. Both are intended as testaments to perseverance, to the
deeply-seated human ability to counter tragedy with creativity.
Jazz historian Eric Nisenson
takes note of Coltrane's unique ability when he calls "Alabama"
a "Coltrane masterpiece." He also claims that
It
is not only a beautiful piece of music, it is a profound meditation
on the death of innocence and the seemingly endless tragedy of inhumanity..
. . Sidestepping any didacticism or preachiness, Coltrane approaches
the subject with the insight of the true artist, and by so doing
makes us feel the tragedy and, even deeper, the hope. That he could
create such a stunningly beautiful piece of music out of those horrible
events was indication of how profoundly compassionate a man and
artist Coltrane really was.(Nisenson, 143)
Almost thirty years prior to Nisenson's
1993 publication, LeRoi Jones (Amiri Baraka) claimed, praisingly,
that "Coltrane's sound . . . because of its striking similarity
to a human cry it can often raise the hairs on the back of your
neck" (Jones, 40). Both writers agree that there was something unusually
unique about the gifts and presence of Coltrane, that some sort
of mythological, rarefied aura emanated from not only the man, but
from the man's saxophone as well.Likewise, Cornel West insists that
“The form and content of Louis Armstrong's ‘West End Blues,’ Duke
Ellington's ‘Mood Indigo,’ John Coltrane's ‘Alabama,’ and Sarah
Vaughn's ‘Send in the Clowns’ are a few of the peaks of the black
cultural iceberg--towering examples of soul-making and spiritual
wrestling which crystallize the most powerful interpretations of
the human condition in black life.” West concludes by adding, “This
is why the best of the black musical tradition in the twentieth
century is the most profound and poignant body of artistic works
of our time."(West, 77).
The
genius and complexity of Coltrane has even been acknowledged by
rap and hip-hop culture, perhaps most prominently by one of its
most politically controversial groups, Public Enemy.
Writers treat me like Coltrane, insane
Yes to them, but to me I'm a different kind
We're brothers of the same mind, unblind
Caught in the middle and
Not surrenderin'
These lines lay bare not only
the notion of media manipulation or victimization as suffered by
the rap group Public Enemy and the late saxophonist John William
Coltrane, but also easily lends itself to a reading that reinforces
the sentiments of African-American brotherhood, rebellion, and self
determination. It is also interesting to note the transgenre embrace
at play here that effectively and simultaneously dismisses concepts
that attempt to create drastic artistic distances between rap and
jazz, as well as extreme generational and political chasms between
the social conditions of the '50s and '60s, and the '80s and '90s,
years in which Coltrane and Public Enemy, respectively, procured--if
not demanded--attention. Moreover, the band's recognition of Coltrane
here from "Don't Believe the Hype," their classic 1988 aural, verbal,
and lyrical attack on both mainstream and African-American media,
also strives to reestablish or reclaim Coltrane as a musical genius
instead of an "insane" saxophonist, as many critics once deemed
him. Of course, this associative act of remembering and reclaiming,
especially in relation to Coltrane, African-American, and mainstream
American culture, is not a novel accomplishment. It is, however,
quite an apropos entrée to a discussion concerning transgenre
analyses, or the discursive interplay among and between artistic
disciplines--be they "popular," "high," or otherwise--primarily
for the sake of preserving a collective cultural memory. Clearly,
the multifaceted and interconnected historical layers that helped
create "Alabama," (i.e., the Civil Rights Movement, the legacy of
jazz protest, the Birmingham bombing, and King's eulogy) are, in
and of themselves, richly stimulating.In addition, another aesthetic
realm served to enhance the intertextual nuances of these existing
layers.
4.Poetic
Response
To
this complex weave, poetry was to contribute an additional dimension. There is hardly a significant event from the
Movement that is not captured by poetry--from the Brown decision
to the assassinations of Malcolm X and Dr. King. For example, the
1963 church bombing alone inspired, among others, "Winking at a
Funeral" by Alice Walker, "Ballad of Birmingham" by Dudley Randall,
"Birmingham Sunday" by Langston Hughes, "Birmingham 1963" by Raymond
Patterson, "How to Change the USA" by Harry Edwards, and "Here Where
Coltrane Is" by Michael S. Harper.
Harper
(1938- ), Professor of English at Brown University, the first Poet
Laureate of Rhode Island, and twice a nominee for the National Book
Award, was drawn to Coltrane's intensity, the struggle for civil
and human rights, and a manner in which to unite them artistically.
His poem "Here Where Coltrane Is" not only unites the poet's admiration
of Coltrane, jazz, and his interest in social justice, but does
so with an exceptionally intriguing and powerful flair. The poem
intends to instill in readers memories of all subjects mentioned,
from the narrator's early inner discursive conjectures about soul
and race to the outer, informing voice of "Alabama" that simultaneously
anchors the poem and ushers us to a site of racial hostility and
human tragedy. The two-stanza poem, which appeared in 1971 in History
Is Your Own Heartbeat, reads,
Soul and race
are private dominions,
memories and modal
songs, a tenor blossoming,
which would paint suffering
a clear color but is not in
this Victorian house
without oil in zero degree
weather and a forty-mile-an hour wind;
it is all a well-knit family:
a love supreme.
Oak leaves pile up on walkway
and steps, catholic as apples
in a special mist of clear white
children who love my children.
I play "Alabama"
on a warped record player
skipping the scratches
on your faces over the fibrous
conical hairs of plastic
under the wooden floors.
Dreaming on a train from New York
to Philly, you hand out six
notes which become an anthem
to our memories of you:
oak, birch, maple,
apple, cocoa, rubber.
For this reason Martin is dead;
for this reason Malcolm is dead;
for this reason Coltrane is dead;
in the eyes of my first son are the browns
of these men and their music. (Harper, 1971, 32-33)
The poem incorporates
or alludes to public and artistic responses to the tragedy in Birmingham,
and eventually returns to the memory of the violence, and its possible
impact on the next generation.
The
intricately cohesive nature of the poem, as well as the primary
intersections between history, oration, and music are found by way
of references to John William Coltrane (1926-1967). The saxophonist,
directly and indirectly, is invoked throughout the poem, especially
in lines three and four ("memory and modal/songs, a tenor blossoming"),
line eleven ("a love supreme"), which is the title of one
of Coltrane's 1964 albums, and line sixteen ("I play 'Alabama' ").
The latter utterance is, of course, doubly referential for it not
only names Coltrane's tune, but also alludes to the fact that the
song was written in memory of the bombing.Connected to these references,
but offstage, as it were, is the fact that music alone was not responsible
for Harper's admiration of Coltrane, the kind of admiration that
inspired him to write poems in the musician's honor, or call forth
the musician or his music as a muse, and title his first collection
in 1970 Dear John, Dear Coltrane. I think it is now quite
obvious that Harper, along with a host of other poets, either saw
or heard aspects in the music of Coltrane that symbolized political
statements or ambitions. For instance, two years after Dear John,
Dear Coltrane was published, John O’Brien interviewed Harper.
At one point, very early in the session, in response to a question
by O'Brien concerning Coltrane, Harper replies, “One of the things
that is important about Coltrane's music is the energy and passion
with which he approached his instrument and music. Such energy was
perhaps akin to the nature of oppression generally and the kind
of energy it takes to break oppressive conditions, oppressive musical
strictures, and oppressive societal situations” (O'Brien, 98). Harper's
analysis of Coltrane's "energy and passion" is indeed interesting,
for he equates or sees well-defined parallels between the latter's
musical expression and politicized, societal oppression. This connection
explains, at least partially, why Harper was inspired to enter the
oral and musical "dialogue" started by Dr. King and Coltrane after
the Birmingham bombing.
In
the poem "Here Where Coltrane Is," the destruction caused by the
explosion is inextricably connected to Coltrane's "Alabama," and
thus to the events that followed the bombing, namely the public
outcry and Dr. King's eulogy. The narrator's state of contemplation
and on-going struggles to come to terms with the historical trauma
of the bombing is perhaps most evident in the lines, “skipping the
scratches/on your faces over the fibrous/conical hairs of plastic/under
the wooden floors.” These four lines, economic yet forceful in structure
and function, utilize literary devices previously employed by the
poet. The first, "skipping the scratches," draws to it the physical,
vinyl "record" of "Alabama" from earlier lines ("I play 'Alabama'/on
a warped record player"), as well as flows into the following lines
of "on your faces over the fibrous/conical hairs of plastic/under
the wooden floors.” This string of images makes clear that something
other than merely listening to Coltrane is happening here. The narrator
is now actually "seeing" the four dead girls, and is mentally "skipping
the scratches" on their faces, as if attempting to at once remember
and forget.But the "memories" do not end here. There is also recollection
of the "fibrous/conical hairs of plastic," a phrase that combines,
rather cleverly yet gruesomely, the description of human remains
(symbolized by "hairs") entangled with bomb fragments (symbolized
by "fibrous," "conical," "plastic"). All of this is found "under
the wooden floors," alluding to the fact that the four bodies were
discovered in the basement of the church.
While
the tone here is decidedly dire, we must remember that the ubiquitous
nature of the music is providing a semblance of healing and sustenance
for the narrator. In the midst of memories of destruction, imagination
and creativity are being born."I play Alabama," the narrator says,
"on a warped record player.” The record player is "warped," metaphorically
speaking, because everything else also appears out of sync,
especially the lack of humanity that occasioned the bombing. This
is the primary subject, and pivotal point of the poem, that has
been on the narrator's mind since the utterance of "Soul and race/are
private dominions." All the while, Coltrane's appropriately melancholic
instrumental tune has been playing in the background, guiding and
informing the voice and structure of the poem. The interior narrative
taking place is shrouded in grief and mourning, caused by the seemingly
immediate memory of death, which is also at the heart of "Alabama."Literary
scholar Günter H. Lenz asserts that the poem as a whole is
a result of Harper's attempt to transform Coltrane's music into
poetry.
This
experiential and aesthetic interaction among the various levels
and perspectives of the poem explains why, to Michael Harper, the
poet, there is no contradiction, no mutual exclusiveness, between
the black church, revolutionary politics, and black music. And it
confirms to him the continuity of the black cultural and communal
tradition . . . a continuum, however, that by no means should be
mistaken as simply assuring harmony and happiness but has always
been characterized, in American history, by suffering, violence,
oppression, and resistance.(Lenz, 29)
The "suffering, violence,
oppression, and resistance," Lenz mentions are the emotions Coltrane
and Harper were attempting to translate by way of saxophone and
stanzas, respectively, for the sake of preserving a collective cultural
memory.
While
"Here Where Coltrane Is" centers on historical references or things
past, there is also in the poem a deep concern for the future. The
lines, “Oak leaves pile up on walkway/and steps, catholic as apples/in
a special mist of clear white/children who love my children are
intended to paint a dream-like picture of racial harmony. What is
extremely interesting about this particular section of the poem,
intentionally or not, is the creation of optimism concerning race
relations, only to have such optimism immediately obliterated by
line sixteen: "I play 'Alabama' ."Alabama then becomes the dominant
imagery in the poem (i.e., racial disharmony). This construction
is strikingly similar to the sense of optimism expressed by Coretta
Scott King following the March on Washington. In both instances,
Alabama quickly undoes what took so long to build. Like the euphoria
after the March on Washington which was undercut by the bomb, the
dream of interracial solidarity too is undercut in Harper's poem
by memories of the bombing.
The end of the poem reads
For this reason
Martin is dead;
for this reason Malcolm is dead;
for this reason Coltrane is dead;
in the eyes of my first son are the browns
of these men and their music.
Sascha Feinstein writes
that the "ending suggests these men have died because of their race.
But it is also a testimony to those who expend themselves for issues
broader and more significant than any individual life. For this
reason if no other they need to be recognized . . ."(Feinstein,
132) . While Coltrane definitely suffered due to his race, music,
and other factors (Thomas, 82), he died of liver cancer in 1967,
and not as a result of violence as did Martin Luther King, Jr. and
Malcolm X. However, I feel that Feinstein’s assertion concerning
individuals who "expend themselves" for "broader and more significant"
issues is accurate of all three men. But what about the eyes of
the speaker's first son, which carry the "browns/of these men and
their music"? Lenz insists that it is this son's responsibility
to claim "the black cultural and communal tradition" left by Martin,
Malcolm, and Coltrane (Lenz, 29) . Perhaps Lenz's point is
valid, but the ambiguous nature of the ending of the poem lends
itself to an interpretation that is at once optimistic and despairing.
For example, the speaker definitely sees his son as part of a rich
cultural history. Nevertheless, this history has resulted in the
deaths of this trinity of men. Additionally, as readers we should
also consider that the incorporation of Coltrane at this juncture
is probably intended to return us to the heart of the poem, which
is the deaths of four girls. Taking this into consideration (i.e.,
references to seven deaths in all), the speaker is most likely placing
more emphasis on fear than optimism. As a result, the narrator dreads
that the "browns" (race) and correlating blues (experiences) of
these men will be handed down to the son (regardless of the son's
talent or achievement) by a traditionally white supremacist culture.
This
same sense of fear and terror can be found in other poems written
after and about the bombing of the Sixteenth Street Baptist Church.
Dudley Randall’s “Ballad of Birmingham,” for example, is initiated
by an imagined exchange between one of the four little girls murdered
in the explosion and her mother. Readers are given a daughter/mother,
question/response dialogue for the first four stanzas before being
presented with a third speaker of the poem who delivers the final
four stanzas.
"Mother dear, may I go downtown
Instead of out to play,
And march the streets of Birmingham
In a Freedom March today?"
"No, baby, no, you may not go,
For the dogs are fierce and wild,
And clubs and hoses, guns and jail
Aren't good for a little child."
"But, mother, I won't be alone.
Other children will go with me,
And march the streets of Birmingham
To make our country free."
"No, baby, no, you may not go,
For I fear those guns will fire.
But you may go to church instead
And sing in the children's choir."
She has combed and brushed her night-dark hair,
And bathed rose petal sweet,
And drawn white gloves on her small brown hands,
And white shoes on her feet.
The mother smiled to know her child
Was in the sacred place,
But that smile was the last smile
To come upon her face.
For when she heard the explosion,
Her eyes grew wet and wild.
She raced through the streets of Birmingham
Calling for her child.
She clawed through bits of glass and brick,
Then lifted out a shoe.
"O, here's the shoe my baby wore,
But, baby, where are you?" (Bell, 71-72)
The lack of a safe
haven during this period emphasizes the unfortunate irony of Randall’s
poem. While the mother prevents her daughter from
participating in a “Freedom March” out of fear for her safety, she
is unable to protect her from harm and tragedy.
Similar to Randall's
poem, "Birmingham Sunday" by Langston Hughes is grounded in the
immediate circumstances surrounding the bombing:
Four little girls
Who went to Sunday School that day
And never came back home at all--
But left instead
Their blood upon the wall
With spattered flesh
And bloodied Sunday dresses
Scorched by dynamite that
China made aeons ago
Did not know what China made
Before China was ever Red at all
Would redden with their blood
This Birmingham-on-Sunday wall.
Four tiny girls
Who left their blood upon that wall,
In little graves today await
The dynamite that might ignite
The ancient fuse of Dragon Kings
Whose tomorrow sings a hymn
The missionaries never taught
In Christian Sunday School
To implement the Golden Rule.
Four little girls
Might be awakened some day soon
By songs upon the breeze
As yet unfelt among
Magnolia trees. (Rampersad, 557)
Hughes appropriately relies heavily on church and Christian imagery
and references to capture the anger and frustration caused by the
explosion.
Raymond Patterson's "Birmingham 1963" also depends upon
the innocence of preparing for and going to church on a Sunday morning:
Sunday morning and her mother's hands
Weaving the two thick braids of her springing hair,
Pulling her sharply by one bell-rope when she would
Not sit still, setting her ringing,
While the radio church choir prophesied the hour
With theme and commercials, while the whole house tingled;
And she could not stand still in that awkward air;
Her dark face shining, her mother now moving the tiny buttons,
Blue against blue, the dress which took all night making,
That refused to stay fastened;
There was some pull which hurried her out to Sunday School
Toward the lesson and the parable's good news,
The quiet escape from the warring country of her feelings,
The confused landscape of grave issues and people.
But now we see
Now we see through the glass of her mother's wide screaming
Eyes into the room where the homemade bomb
Blew the room down where her daughter had gone:
Under the leaves of hymnals, the plaster and stone,
The blue dress all undone to the bone--
Her still, dull face, her quiet hair;
Alone amid the rubble, amid the people
Who perish, being innocent. (Adoff, 209-210)
Patterson's concluding lines are captivating in both their rhythm
and imagery. He leaves the reader with the extremely agonizing description
of one of the daughters "amid the rubble, amid the people/Who
perish, being innocent." This mood is further intensified by
the preceding line, "Her still, dull face, her quiet hair,"
which provides the reader with a lasting, though unpleasant, image
of the young girl literally buried inside the church.
Burial rituals, innocence, and tragedy are at the heart of Alice
Walker's "Winking at a Funeral." Originally published
in Revolutionary Petunias and Other Poems, which the author dedicates
in part to her "heroes, heroines, and friends of early SNCC
(Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee," Walker's "Winking"
serves as a brief section of a longer poem.
Those were the days
Of winking at a
Funeral
Romance blossomed
In the pews
Love signaled
Through the
Hymns
What did we know?
Who smelled the flowers
Slowly fading?
Knew the arsonist
Of the church? (Walker, 158)
The title alone connotes innocence or frivolity in the face of ever-present
despair and depression. How many rituals are more somber in America
than a funeral? How many acts are more subtle, or at times invasive,
than a wink, especially if the setting is a funeral? "Romance
blossomed/In the pews/Love signaled/Through the/Hymns," Walker
writes, as if to give the poem an innocent, child-like feeling.
The last line of the first stanza asks: "What did we know?"
which is immediately followed in the second stanza by "Who
smelled the flowers/Slowly fading?/Knew the arsonist of the church?"
This latter half of the poem leads the reader from a point of innocent
"winking" and into a more grim, realistic realm of the
event at hand; meaning, a funeral. In addition, the lines and question,
"Knew the arsonist/Of the church?" suggest that the identities
of the arsonists were known, at least to the mourners in attendance,
and perhaps even to those who felt no sense of remorse.
Whereas Walker's poem focuses on innocence and experience, "How
to Change the U.S.A" by Harry Edwards strikes a distinctly
retaliatory tone. Based on an interview Edwards gave to the New
York Times in May 1968, the poem reads:
For openers, the Federal Government
the honkies, the pigs in blue
must go down South
and take those crackers out of bed,
the crackers who blew up
those four little girls
in that Birmingham church,
those crackers who murdered
Medgar Evers and killed
the three civil rights workers--
they must pull them out of bed
and kill them with axes
in the middle of the street.
Chop them up with dull axes.
Slowly
At high noon.
With everybody watching
on television.
Just as a gesture
of good faith. (Major, 48-49)
Edwards' poem goes beyond the Birmingham bombing to also include
the death of Medgar Evers. Evers, leader of the Mississippi NAACP,
was ambushed and shot outside of his home in Jackson, Mississippi,
in June of 1963. Similarly, Edwards'lines, "those crackers
who murdered/. . . the three civil rights workers" reference
Andy Goodman, Michael Schwerner, and James Chaney. The three were
Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) workers who were found dead in
an earthen dam in Mississippi in 1964. One should also keep in mind
that the interview that gave birth to this poem was conducted approximately
one month after the assassination of Dr. King, which gave rise to
widespread anger, frustration, and violence.
John Coltrane once said that "when there's something we think
could be better, we must make an effort to try and make it better.
So it's the same socially, musically, politically, and in any department
of our lives" (Kofsky, 227). The poetry that emerged from the
Movement attempts, for the most part, to make things better, if
only by expressing, recording, intersecting, and thereby preserving
significant historical sites. Despite this, scholars as recently
as 1996 have argued that "Twentieth-century American poets
have generally run in fear of history" and have turned their
"backs on historical realities" (Stein, 9). Instead, I
think that it is too often us, scholars, academics, and educators,
who run from the poets and poems that embrace our history, especially
when that history is tragic or less than pleasant. Perhaps this
explains the void that too often exists in our discourse on contemporary
poetry. What makes this all the more tragic is that an entire generation
of poets who often wrote against forgetting has been virtually forgotten-at
least within the context (or intersection) of "mainstream"
American poetry and the American Civil Rights Movement.
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