CRIME IN CONTEXT
WHEN SOCIOLOGISTS STUDY
CRIME AND DEVIANCE, THEY ATTEMPT TO ==== [1] LEARN WHAT
TYPES OF BEHAVIOR ARE DEFINED AS DEVIANT, [2] WHO DOES THE
DEFINING, [3] HOW AND WHY PEOPLE BECOME DEVIANTS, [4]
AND HOW SOCIETY DEALS WITH DEVIANCE
[[[TOPICS
AND ISSUES THAT ARISE WHEN ONE CONSIDERS CRIME AND CRIMINAL JUSTICE IN A
CONTEMPORARY CONTEXT]]]
…
WHAT IS THE
DIFFERENCE BETWEEN DEVIANCE AND CRIME?
DEVIANCE – THE
GENERAL TERM GIVEN TO ANY BEHAVIOUR THAT IS PERCEIVED TO VIOLATE SOCIAL NORMS.
CRIME – IS
BEHAVIOR THAT IS DESIGNATED AS DEVIANT AND CONSIDERED TO BE WORTHY OF LEGAL
SANCTION (AS A SOCIAL CONTROL)
[[CRIME, THEN, IS A SUBSET OF DEVIANCE == A "SERIOUS"
FORM OF UNWANTED BEHAVIOUR]]
{{{ PP7 = QUIMET REPORT (REPORT OF THE
CANADIAN COMMITTEE ON CORRECTIONS: TOWARDS UNITY: CRIMINAL JUSTICE AND
CORRECTIONS, 1969) == "NO CONDUCT SHOULD BE DEFINED AS CRIMINAL
UNLESS IT REPRESENTS A SERIOUS THREAT TO SOCIETY, AND UNLESS THE ACT CANNOT BE
DEALT WITH THROUGH OTHER SOCIAL MEANS"}}}
CRIMINAL
LAW IS ONE OF A RANGE OF FORMAL RESPONSES THAT WE HAVE COME TO RELY UPON TO
GUARD AGAINST CERTAIN FORMS OF UNWANTED CONDUCT
EVERY SOCIETY
DIFFERS ON WHAT IT LABELS "UNWANTED CONDUCT" == AND EVEN WITHIN
SOCIETIES, MEMBERS DIFFER IN OPINION AS TO WHICH CONDUCT IS UNWANTED, AS WELL
AS THE MOST APPROPRIATE WAY TO RESPOND TO SUCH BEHAVIOR == EVEN WHERE THERE
APPEARS TO BE A CONSENSUS AS THE SERIOUSNESS OF THE ACT, THERE CAN BE
DIFFERENCES AS TO HOW THE ACT SHOULD BE DEALT WITH.
[[DIFFERENT FORMS OF REGULATION ARE ALSO FREQUENTLY USED ==
PROFESSIONAL SOCIETIES EVALUATE THE CONDUCT OF THEIR MEMBERS AND MAY
SANCTION INAPPROPRIATE CONDUCT == CODES OF CONDUCT, TAXATION, SOCIAL
SERVICE AGENCIES, CHURCHES AND COMMUNITY GROUPS ALSO HELP US DIFFERENTIATE
BETWEEN SOCIALLY ACCEPTABLE AND UNACCEPTABLE CONDUCT]]
CRIMINAL
LAW IS A PUNITIVE RESPONSE TO A PERCEIVED PROBLEM.
IT IS GENERALLY CHARACTERIZED AS A NECESSARY EVIL IN A SOCIETY TO STAVE OFF
THE THREAT OF VIOLENCE, DISORDER, AND DANGER.
ALMOST EVERY HUMAN BEHAVIOR
HAS BEEN DEFINED AS DEVIANT AT SOME PLACE OR AT SOME TIME, AND AS
NON-DEVIANT AT OTHER TIMES OR IN OTHER PLACES == THESE DESIGNATIONS ARE
"CULTURALLY RELATIVE" == DEVIANCE IS A STATUS CONFERRED BY
SOCIETY, NOT A QUALITY INTRINSIC TO THE ACTS THEMSELVES.
DEVIANCE BECOMES "CRIMINAL" WHEN A
BEHAVIOR IS DESIGNATED AS DEVIANT AND CONSIDERED TO BE WORTHY OF LEGAL
SANCTION (AS A SOCIAL CONTROL).
HOW DO WE DECIDE WHETHER IT IS APPROPRIATE TO USE CRIMINAL
LAW == [[WHEN DOES THE "CRIMINAL JUSTICE" SYSTEM COME INTO PLAY IN
OUR SOCIETY?]]
FIRST, CRIMINAL LAW RESTS ON THE NOTION OF ATTRIBUTING
PERSONAL RESPONSIBILITY FOR THE CRIME – THERE ARE ONE OR MORE CLEARLY
IDENTIFIABLE INDIVIDUALS TO HOLD ACCOUNTABLE FOR THEIR ACTIONS. CONSEQUENTLY,
THE SOCIAL, POLITICAL AND CULTURAL CONTEXT IN WHICH THE PROBLEM OCCURRED
DISAPPEARS INTO THE BACKGROUND.
[[EX: WHILE WE
MAY RECOGNIZE THAT CHILD ABUSE IS THE RESULT OF COMPLEX SOCIAL AND
PSYCHOLOGICAL FACTORS, WE {THE SOCIAL NORM IS TO} NONETHELESS PLACE
RESPONSIBILITY FOR SUCH CONDUCT AT THE INDIVIDUAL LEVEL]].
CRIMINAL LAW BOTH UNIVERSALIZES THE
PROBLEM AND INDIVIDUALIZES ITS CAUSES
== IT UNIVERSALIZES THE PROBLEM IN THE SENSE THAT IT RECOGNIZES THE CLAIM OF
THE VICTIM AS VALID AND SUFFICIENT ENOUGH TO DEMAND A GUARANTEE OF PROTECTION
BY THE STATE == IT INDIVIDUALIZES THE PROBLEM BY MAKING INDIVIDUALS (MAINLY
INDIVIDUAL OFFENDERS) RESPONSIBLE FOR THE PROBLEM.
{{{{
THIS MIGHT BE CALLED "THE ANTI-SOCIOLOGICAL IMAGINATION == [[RECALL]]
SOCIOLOGICAL IMAGINATION == A FORM OF CONSCIOUSNESS IS REQUIRED THAT LINKS THE
PERSONAL TROUBLES OF MILIEU AND PUBLIC ISSUES OF SOCIAL STRUCTURE. == ALBEIT,
WITH SOME GROUPS LIKE ABORIGINALS AND BLACKS, MILIEU CAN BE CONSIDERED IN
SENTENCING}}}}
{{{{SOCIOLOGICAL
ASIDE: WHEN SOCIOLOGISTS STUDY CRIME AND DEVIANCE, THEY ATTEMPT TO LEARN
WHAT TYPES OF BEHAVIOR ARE DEFINED AS DEVIANT, WHO DOES THE DEFINING, HOW AND
WHY PEOPLE BECOME DEVIANTS, AND HOW SOCIETY DEALS WITH DEVIANCE}}}}}
WHAT IS
CRIME?
CRIME IS A CULTURALLY RELATIVE DEFINITION OF INAPPROPRIATE
AND UNWANTED BEHAVIOR ==PART OF A CULTURAL "DISCOURSE" THAT
PROVIDES THE CONCEPTUAL MODELS FOR PEOPLE AROUND WHICH THEY MAP THE WORLD
{DIFFERENT FRAMES OF REFERENCE AND UNACKNOWLEDGED SETS OF BELIEF}
[IN OUR SOCIETY, THE "DOMINANT CULTURAL
DISCOURSE" IS THAT CRIME IS UNWANTED BEHAVIOR THAT TAKES PLACE AT THE
LEVEL BY INDIVIDUALS == THEFT, SHOPLIFITING, ROBBERY, AND PHYSICAL AND SEXUAL
ASSAULT, ETC]
EX: {THEREFORE} IN THIS FRAME OF REFERENCE, “SERIOUS” CRIME TENDS TO BE
EQUATED WITH “STREET CRIME” INVOLVING ROBBERY, THEFT, SHOPLIFTING, ASSAULT, AND
SO ON; AND IT IS ASSOCIATED WITH AN ABERRANT ASSORTMENT OF DEVIANT STREET
PEOPLE – THE “STREET THUG,” THE “GANG BANGER,”
THE “INNER-CITY YOUTH,”
AND THEIR LIKE. THESE ARE THE CRIMES AND CRIMINALS THAT OCCUPY MOST OF THE TIME
AND ATTENTION OF THE CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM.
SO CALLED “ELITE CRIME”
== “WHITE-COLLAR” CRIME
TENDS TO BE SEEN AS LESS SERIOUS, EVEN WHEN IT INVOLVES MILLIONS OF DOLLARS
AND RUINS PEOPLES LIVES. NORTEL, ENRON, WORLD.COM, AND THE ATTENTION GIVEN TO OUR OWN AD SCAM (SPONSORSHIP PROGRAM) ARE THE EXCEPTIONS THAT PROVE
THE RULE.
{POLITICAL
ASIDE:
SO IT WAS NOT SURPRISING THAT DAYS PRIOR TO THE CALL OF THE1994 FEDERAL
ELECTION, RATHER THEN PLEDGING TO GET
TO THE BOTTOM OF AD SCAM AND POLITICAL CORRUPTION OR DECLARING WAR ON NORTEL
AND CORPORATE FRAUD, DEPUTY SIDENT REG ALCOCK ANNOUNCED CHANGES TO
THE TROUBLE-RIDDEN FIREARMS REGISTRY, PLEDGING TO ELIMINATE REGISTRATION FEES,
INTRODUCE A BUDGET CAP, AND TOUGHEN CRIME PENALTIES.}
THE FIREARMS REGISTRY WAS
INTRODUCED BY THE LIBERALS IN 1995 AND WAS EXPECTED TO COST TAXPAYERS
$2-MILLION, WITH THE BULK OF THE $119-MILLION EXPENSE COVERED BY
REGISTRATION FEES. HOWEVER, AUDITOR-GENERAL SHEILA FRASER CALCULATED THE
REGISTRY COST, NOT INCLUDING RECOUPED FEES, WILL TOP $1-BILLION BY 2005.
{IS THIS A “WHITE COLLAR CRIME?” ITSELF?}.
… IN DAYS PRIOR TO THE CALL OF THE 1996 FEDERAL ELECTION – AND
IN THE WAKE OF THE TRAGIC SHOOTING DEATH OF A 15-YEAR-OLD GIRL IN A
BOXING DAY GUN BATTLE ON YONGE ST. {JANE TREBA} – ONTARIO PREMIER MCGUINTY,
WHO HAS ALREADY CALLED FOR A MANDATORY MINIMUM FOUR-YEAR SENTENCE FOR MERELY
BEING IN POSSESSION OF AN ILLEGAL HANDGUN, UNVEILED A $51-MILLION PACKAGE OF
ANTI-GANG, ANTI-GUN INITIATIVES, INCLUDING HIRING MORE COPS AND CROWN
PROSECUTORS ===>
CONSERVATIVE LEADER STEPHEN
HARPER'S LAW-AND-ORDER PLATFORM, RELEASED EARLY JANUARY 1996 JUST PRIOR TO THE
ELECTION AND NEAR THE SITE OF THE HORRIFIC BOXING DAY SHOOTINGS ON YONGE ST. IS
PROMISING MANDATORY MINIMUM SENTENCES OF UP TO 10 YEARS FOR THOSE CONVICTED
OF GUN CRIMES.
{IS THIS A PROPORTIONAL RESPONSE TO A GROWING
SOCIAL PROBLEM, OR POLITICAL OPPORTUNISM ANDMANIPULATION THROUGH FEAR
MONGERING?}
WHY ARE WE
PREOCCUPIED TODAY WITH LAW AND ORDER?
MANY RESEARCHERS NOW SUGGEST THAT WE ARE SO PREOCCUPIED
BY QUESTIONS OF CRIME AND SECURITY THAT WE HAVE BECOME A "RISK
SOCIETY," FIXATED ON HOW TO REDUCE THE "IMMINENT"
POTENTIAL OF CRIMINAL BEHAVIOUR == AS A RESULT, THE 20TH AND 21ST
CENTURIES HAVE WITNESSED AN INCREASING EMPHASIS ON GOVERNMENTS ADOPTING A
"LAW AND ORDER" AGENDA.
DURING THIS TIME THERE HAS BEEN INCREASED DEMANDS FOR
HARSHER PUNISHMENT FOR OFFENDERS. RATES OF IMPRISONMENT ACROSS MANY WESTERN
COUNTRIES, PARTICULARLY IN THE UNITED STATES, HAVE RISEN DRAMATICALLY == IN CANADA,
RATES OF IMPRISONMENT ALSO REACHED HIGH LEVELS DURING THE 1990S
[[EX: IN 1994-5
AT 153 PER 100,000 ADULTS, DROPPED TO 133 PER 100,000 IN 2000-1]]
INTERESTINGLY, AN INCREASED RELIANCE ON CRIMINAL LAW AND
PUNISHMENT HAS COME AT A TIME WHEN OFFICIAL CRIME RATE HAS ACTUALLY DECREASED
== CONTRARY TO "GET TOUGH" ON "THE CRIMINAL
ELEMENT" BY IMPLEMENTING A "LAW AND ORDER AGENDA" == AND THE
REPORTS THAT CRIME IS EXPANDING AND OUT OF CONTROL == OFFICIAL CRIME DATA
ACTUALLY SUGGEST THERE HAS BEEN A DECREASE IN CRIME OVER THE PERIOD.
UPSHOT
CONSEQUENCES ==
[[1]]CLAIMS THAT CRIME LEVELS ARE
RISING AND "OUT OF CONTROL" – AND REPORTS THAT MORE PUNISHMENT AND
CONTROL IS NECESSARY – MAY BE ERRONEOUS AND MISPLACED
==
[[2]] THE
ERRONEOUS CLIMATE PUTS A POX ON PUBLIC CRITICISM AND OVERSIGHT OF POLICE
SERVICES [[YOU CAN BE TOO CRITICAL
OF THE POLICE – BUT – YOU CANNOT BE TOO LENIENT ON POLICE == THIS MEANS {EX:
TORONTO} MORE AND MORE RESOURCES DEVOTED TO "POLICE BUDGET"
– AND LESS AND LESS "PUBLIC OVERSIGHT"]]
WHAT ARE THE RESULTANT REALITIES OF CRIMINAL LAW[?]
[EX: THE CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM
REFUSES TO LABEL AND TREAT AS CRIME A LARGE NUMBER OF ACTS OF THE RICH THAT
PRODUCE AS MUCH OR MORE DAMAGE TO LIFE AND LIMB AS THE CRIMES OF THE POOR AND
DISENFRANCHISED == REFUSAL TO MAKE WORKPLACES SAFE, REFUSAL TO CURTAIL
DEADLY POLUTION, PROMOTION OF UNNECESSARY SURGERY, AND PRESCRIPTIONS FOR
UNNECESSARY DRUGS, CAUSE OCCUPATIONAL AND ENVIROMENTAL HAZAARDS TO INNOCENT
MEMBERS OF THE PUBLIC AND PRODUCE AS MUCH DEATH, DESTRUCTION, AND FINANCIAL
LOSS AS THE SO-CALLED “STREET CRIME” OF THE POOR. HOWEVER, THESE CRIMES OF THE
WELL-OFF, OR “ELITE CRIME,” IS RARELY TREATED AS SEVERE AS THOSE OF THE POOR.
WHAT ARE THE CONSEQUENCES OF THESE TYPES OF CHOICES FOR
DETERMINING WHAT IS A CRIME AND WHO IS A CRIMINAL?
[[1]] THE USE OF CRIMINAL LAW INFLUENCES OUR
REPRESENTATIONS OF "CRIMINALS AND VICTIMS"
[[2]] MANY CRIME SURVEYS ASK PEOPLE TO
IDENTIFY WHERE THEY ARE "AFRAID TO WALK AT NIGHT" TO
ASSESS PEOPLE’S FEAR OF CRIME. THIS TYPE OF QUESTION IS BASED ON THE ASSUMPTION
THAT CRIME IS SOMETHING THAT HAPPENS TO US ON THE STREET AND IS COMMITTED BY
STRANGERS == CONTRARY TO THIS, MANY RESEARCHERS HAVE SHOWN THAT MUCH
VIOLENCE OCCURS IN THE HOME, AT THE HANDS OF PEOPLE WHO ARE KNOWN TO THE
VICTIM, AND OFTEN WITHIN RELATIONSHIPS.
[[3]] RESEARCH CHALLENGES THE PERCEPTION THAT WE ARE ALL
EQUALLY LIKELY TO BE CRIME VICTIMS BY REVEALING THAT THE MOST "MARGINALIZED
GROUPS" IN SOCIETY HAVE THE GREATEST CHANCE TO BE VICTIMIZED BY CRIME.
[[4]] AT THE SAME TIME, MARGINALIZED COMMUNITIES HAVE
POINTED TO THE INADEQUATE RESPONSE BY THE STATE TO THEIR VICTIMIZATION
== PEOPLE WHO FIT THE TYPICAL OFFENDER PROFILE {STEREOTYPE} ARE "OVER-POLICED",
WHILE THOSE WHO COMMIT SERIOUS HARMS BUT DO NOT HOLD THESE CHARACTERISTICS ARE
TYPICALLY "UNDER-POLICED"
[[EX. RATES OF INCARCERATION ==
NATIVES 3 X THE RATE OF NON-NATIVE == BLACKS 5 X THE RATE OF NON-BLACKS (THERE
ARE MORE NATIVES AND BLACKS IN JAIL THAN IN COLLEGE AND UNIVERSITY – OSCILLATE
BETWEEN "RAGE AND THE CAGE"]]
[[PRELIMINARY CONCLUSION
== PREVAILING CRIMINAL JUSTICE (AND INJUSTICE) SYSTEM IS FASHIONED BY POLITICAL
DOMINATION AND SOCIO-ECONOMIC CONTROL --- AND --- IT TENDS TO BREADOWN ALONG
RACIAL LINES.]]. ===
EX: WHO IS THE “TYPICAL CRIMINAL”
[[OR == WHAT IS THE
STEREOTYPICAL UNDERSTANDING OF "THE CRIMINAL TYPE"]]?
{{ASIDE: SOME PEOPLE GET TREATED AS CRIMINALS AND NOT
OTHERS BECAUSE OF STEREOTYPICAL UNDERSTANDINGS
OF "KINDS OF PEOPLE" == "THE CRIMINAL TYPE"}}
IN HIS INFAMOUS 1993 BOOK, HOW TO STOP CRIME,
POLICE CHIEF ANTHONY BOUZA WRITES “STREET CRIME IS MOSTLY A BLACK AND
POOR YOUNG MAN’S GAME.”
IN THE USA, BLACK LEADER, REVEREND JESSE JACKSON
ONCE SAID: “ THERE IS NOTHING MORE PAINFUL TO ME AT THIS STAGE OF MY LIFE
THAN TO WALK DOWN THE STREET AND HEAR FOOTSTEPS AND START THINKING ABOUT
ROBBERY – AND THEN LOOK AROUND AND SEE SOMEONE WHITE AND FEEL RELIEVED.”
IN HER 1998 BOOK, THE COLOR OF CRIME,
KATHRYN RUSSELL SPEAKS OF TH "CRIMINALBLACKMAN."
THE CRIMINALBLACKMAN IS A COMPOSITE OF WHITE FEARS
OF BLACK MEN’S CRIMINALITY == IT MAY BECOME SO STRONG AND SO WIDESPREAD THAT IT
ALLOWS FOR “RACIAL HOAXES,” IN WHICH A WHITE OFFENDER BLAMES AN AFRICAN
AMERICAN, USUALLY MALE, FOR THE OFFENSE IN QUESTION AND IS READILY BELIEVED BY
CRIMINAL JUSTICE AGENTS AND/OR THE GENERAL PUBLIC.
...
LETS LOOK MORE CLOSELY AT
THE FACE IN TODAY’S CRIMINAL JUSTICE MIRROR,
== WHILE DEVIANCE IN GENERAL
IS COMMON ACROSS THE ENTIRE POPULATION, CRIMINAL ACTIVITY APPEARS TO BE
CONCENTRATED IN CERTAIN SECTORS OF SOCIETY ==
WHO IS THE “TYPICAL
CRIMINAL.”
[THE MOST SIGNIFICANT FACTOR IN ANY STUDY
OF CRIME ARREST RATES IS “GENDER” == IN THE USA -- OF 1,554,737
PERSONS ARRESTED FOR FBI INDEX CRIMES {AN AGGREGATE
COLLECTION SYSTEM} IN 2001, 1,139,622, OR 73.3 PERCENT, WERE MALES] [[ IN CANADA == ACCORDING TO THE
LEADING SOURCE ON CRIMES REPORTED IN CANADA -- THE UNIFORM CRIME
REPORT {UCR} DEVELOPED BY STATISTICS CANADA == MEN OR MORE
LIKELY THAN WOMEN TO COMMIT MAJOR PROPERTY CRIMES {E.G., ROBBERY AND
THEFT OVER $5000}, WHERE AS WOMEN ARE MORE LIKELY TO BE INVOLVED IN MINOR
PROPERTY CRIMES {E.G., THEFT $500 & UNDER AND FRAUD} == MEN
HAVE HIGHER ARREST RATES THAN WOMEN FOR VIOLENT CRIMES SUCH AS
HOMICIDE, AGGRAVATED ASSAULT, ROBBERY, AND BREAK AND ENTER; WOMEN ARE
MOST OFTEN ARRESTED FOR SUCH NONVIOLENT CRIMES AS SHOPLIFTING, PASSING
BAD CHEQUES, CREDIT CARD FRAUD, AND EMPLOYEE PILFERAGE {CRIMINOLOGIST ESTIMATE
THAT 10 PERCENT OF ALL HOMICIDES IN CANADA ARE COMMITTED BY WOMEN. MOST OF
THESE ARE LINKED TO DOMESTIC VIOLENCE AND SELF-DEFENCE.} [[[NOTE: UNLIKE THE FBI
IN THE UNITED STATES, SOURCES IN CANADA LIKE THE UNIFORM CRIME REPORT
{UCR} USE AN INCIDENT-BASED REPORTING SYSTEM INSTEAD OF AN AGGREGATE
SYSTEM, COLLECTING DATA ON EACH CRIMINAL EVENT, OFFENDER, AND VICTIM.
IT IS THUS PROVIDING A MORE COMPLEX PORTRAIT OF CRIME IN CANADA == IN ADDITION,
BECAUSE THE NUMBER OF CRIMES REPORTED IS NOT NECESSARILY THE NUMBER OF CRIMES
COMMITTED, STATISTICS CANADA CONDUCTS VICTIMIZATION SURVEYS, MOST RECENTLY IN
THE GENERAL SOCIAL SURVEY OF 1999, SURVEYING 26,000 RANDOMLY
SELECTED HOUSEHOLDS TO IDENTIFY VICTIMS OF PERSONAL CRIME]]] 2.
HE
IS YOUNG = [AGE IS AN IMPORTANT FACTOR IN ANY STUDY OF
THOSE ACCUSED OF A CRIME == IN THE USA – MORE THAN HALF {54 PERCENT} OF
MEN ARRESTED FOR INDEX CRIMES WERE UNDER THE AGE OF 25] [IN CANADA, THE PROPORTION OF THE POPULATION ACCUSED
OF SERIOUS CRIMES, SUCH AS HOMICIDE, SEXUAL ASSAULT, AND ROBBERY, TENDS TO PEAK
DURING THE TEENAGE YEARS OR EARLY ADULTHOOD AND THEN DECLINE WITH AGE == WERE
AS IN 2000, 30.6 PERCENT AND 29.4 PERCENT OF THOSE ACCUSED WITH COMMITTING
OFFENCES WERE 18 TO 24, AND 25 TO 34, YEARS OF AGE RESPECTIVELY, 10.2 PERCENT
AND 4.5 PERCENT WERE 45 TO 54, AND 55 OR MORE, YEARS OF AGE RESPECTIVELY. SEVERAL REASONS HAVE BEEN ADVANCED FOR AGE–CRIME
PATTERNS, INCLUDING: ·
DIFFERENTIAL
ACCESS TO LEGITIMATE OR ILLEGITIMATE OPPORTUNITY STRUCTURES AT VARIOUS AGES;
DIFFERENCES IN SOCIAL FACTORS SUCH AS PEER INFLUENCES; ·
PHYSIOLOGICAL
FACTORS SUCH AS THE EFFECTS OF AGING ON STRENGTH, SPEED, AND AGGRESSION; AND ·
BUILDING
UP DEVIANT NETWORKS THAT MAKE IT POSSIBLE FOR PEOPLE SUCH AS FENCES TO COMMIT
LESS–VISIBLE CRIMES (STEFFENSMEIRER AND ALLAN, 1995). 3.
HE
IS PREDOMINANTLY URBAN THE IDEA THAT CRIME NEEDS {ILLEGITIMATE} OPPORTUNITY
STRUCTURES AND DEVIANT NETWORKS IMPLIES THAT IT IS FACILITATED BY AN URBAN
ENVIRONMENT [[IN THE USA, CITIES WITH POPULATION OVER 250,000
HAD A RATE OF 1,118 ARRESTS FOR FBI INDEX CRIMES PER 100,000 INHABITANTS. [IN CANADA, (1998) REGINA LED THE LIST OF SELECTED
CITIES WITH 14,785 TOTAL INCIDENTS PER 100,000 POPULATION. VANCOUVER,
SASKATOON, VICTORIA AND THUNDER BAY FOLLOWED BEHIND. QUEBEC CITY AHD THE LEAST
NUMBER OF INCIDENTS AT 5,348. TORONTO WAS RIGHT BEHIND WITH 5,839] 4.
FOURTH
HE IS DISPROPORTIONATELY BLACK (AND ABORIGINAL IN CANADA) [IN THE USA, BLACKS ARE ARRESTED FOR INDEX CRIMES AT
A RATE NEARLY TWO-AND-A-HALF TIMES THAT OF THEIR PERCENTAGE IN THE NATIONAL
POPULATION. IN 2001, WITH BLACKS REPRESENTING 12.8 PERCENT OF THE NATION’S
POPULATION, THEY MADE UP 30.7 PERCENT OF INDEX CRIME ARRESTS] [IN CANADA == {{REMARKABLY LITTLE INFORMATION IN
THIS AREA THAT IS NOT BASED ON ANECDOTES, BECAUSE CRIME STATISTICS IN CANADA DO
NOT REPORT ON ETHNIC BACKGROUND OF VICTIM AND ACCUSED. }} == WE DO HAVE
INFORMATION ABOUT BACKGROUNDS IN THE CANADIAN CORRECTIONAL SYSTEM WHERE, FOR
EXAMPLE, INDIGENOUS PEOPLE {3 PERCENT OF THE POPULATION} CONSTITUTE 14
PERCENT OF THE INMATES [IN WESTERN CANADA, ABORIGINAL PEOPLE CONSTITUTE UPWARDS
OF 75 PERCENT OF THE INMATES IN PROVINCIAL JAILS.] AND BLACKS {2 PERCENT OF THE POPULATION}
CONSTITUTE 6 PERCENT OF THE FEDERAL INMATES (WORTLEY, 199: 262)}} ==
STUDIES SUGGEST THAT WHILE IMMIGRANTS COMMIT LESS CRIME THAN THE CANADIAN-BORN,
SOME IMMIGRANT GROUPS, SUCH AS THOSE FROM CERTAIN CARIBBEAN COUNTRIES, TEND
TO BE JAILED AT HIGHER RATES THAN THEIR PROPORTION IN THE POPULATION ==
YOUNG BLACK MALES IN ONTARIO ARE ALSO JAILED MORE OFTEN, ACCORDING TO A 1995
STUDY ON SYSTEMIC RACISM IN THE CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM. {{EX: BETWEEN 1993 AND 1995, 43.2 PERCENT OF THE
RESPONDENTS STOPPED BY THE POLICE WERE BLACK. ONLY 23.8 PERCENT OF THE
RESPONDENTS WERE WHITE, AND 19 PERCENT CHINESE.}} {{EX: THE 1995 REPORT ON SYSTEMIC RACISM IN
ONTARIO’S CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM INDICATED THAT BLACKS AND ABORIGINAL PEOPLE
ARE MUCH MORE LIKELY TO END UP IN PRISON. PRISON ADMISSIONS PER 100,000 MEMBERS
OF THE TOTAL POPULATION STOOD AT 827. BY COMPARISON, THE RATE FOR BLACKS WAS
3686; FOR FIRST NATIONS, 1993; FOR WHITES, 706; FOR ASIANS, 353. IN 1986 BLACKS
CONSTITUTED 7.1 PERCENT OF ONTARIO’S PRISON POPULATION; BYT 1992-93, 15.3
PERCENT, AN INCREASE OF 203.6 PERCENT (COMPARED TO ONLY A 23 PERCENT INCREASE
FOR WHITES). ALTHOUGH BLACK WERE LESS THAN 3 PERCENT OF THE POPULATION.}} 5.
FINALLY,
HE IS POOR [IN THE USA, ABOUT ONE-THIRD OF JAIL AND PRISON
INMATES WERE UNEMPLOYED (WITHOUT FULL- OR PART-TIME WORK) PRIOR TO BEING
ARRESTED, A RATE CONSIDERABLY HIGHER THAN THAT OF ADULTS IN THE GENERAL
POPULATION. AMONG INMATES IN 1996 MORE THAN HALF WERE NOT EMPLOYED FULL-TIME
PRIOR TO ARREST, AND ABOUT HALF REPORTED PREARREST INCOMES BELOW $7,200 A YEAR} [IN CANADA, CRIME RATES ALSO APPEAR TO BE
DISTRIBUTED BY CLASS. HISTORICALLY, WORKING CLASSES WERE ASSUMED TO BE MORE
CRIMINALLY INCLINED BECAUSE OF DENIED OPPORTUNITIES AND HARSH SOCIAL
CIRCUMSTANCES. OTHERS SEE THE NATURE OF CRIMINAL ACTIVITY REFLECTS A CLASS
BIAS. A CLASS BIAS CAN BE DETECTED IN THE APPLICATION OF CRIMINAL JUSTICE IN
TERMS OF WHAT CONSTITUTES A CRIME, WHO AND WHAT ARE SINGLED OUT AS CRIMINAL,
AND HOW INDIVIDUALS ARE PROCESSED THROUGH THE SYSTEM. == {CRIME IS PERCEIVED BY
THE GENERAL POPULACE AS AN OBJECTIVE THREAT TO WHICH THE SYSTEM REACTS, BUT IT
IS A REALITY THAT TAKES SHAPE AS IT IS FILTERED THROUGH A SERIES OF HUMAN DECISIONS
RUNNING THE FULL GAMUT OF THE CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM} == LAWS THAT
DEFINE CRIME TEND TO REFLECT THE INTEREST OF THE RICH AND POWERFUL; THERE IS A
CLASS BIAS IN THE PREFERENCE TO DETECT STREET CRIME RATHER THAN CORPORATE
CRIME; AND CLASS BIAS IS REFLECTED IN DIFFERENTIAL CONVICTION AND SENTENCING
FOR STREET CRIME AND WORKING CLASS OFFENCES – IN OTHER WORDS, THE POOR
DO NOT NECESSARILY COMMIT MORE CRIME. THEY ARE SIMPLY MORE LIKELY TO BE CAUGHT
AND CONVICTED THAT THE AFFLUENT. AS JEFFREY REIMAN PUT IT == “THIS IS THE
‘TYPICAL CRIMINAL’ FEARED BY MOST LAW-ABIDING AMERICANS. POOR, YOUNG, URBAN
(DISPROPORTIONATELY) BLACK MALES MAKE UP THE CORE OF THE ENEMY FORCES IN THE
CRIME WAR. THEY ARE THE HEART OF A VICIOUS, UNORGANIZED GUERRILLA ARMY,
THREATENING THE LIVES, LIMBS, AND POSSESSIONS OF THE LAW-ABIDING MEMBERS OF
SOCIETY, NECESSITATING RECOURSE TO THE ULTIMATE WEAPONS OF FORCE AND DETENTION
IN OUR COMMON DEFENSE [PP.59].” **SOCIOLOGICAL CONCLUSIONS: 1)
DO
VISIBLE MINORITY VISIBILITIES COMMIT MORE CRIME, OR ARE THEY JUST MORE LIKELY
TO BE CAUGHT AND CHARGED BECAUSE OF THEIR VISIBILITY, THE FOCUS AND VISIBILITY
OF “STREET CRIME”, THE PREJUDICE AND “PROFILING” OF POLICE OFFICERS? == THE
SELECTIVITY AND BIAS THAT IS INHERENT IN PROCESSING MINORITIES THAT TENDS TO
DISTORT THE LEVEL AND PATTERN OF OFFENDING WITHIN MINORITY COMMUNITIES – HAVING
THE EFFECT OF “RACIALIZING” CRIME ALONG RACE AND ETHNIC LINES, THUS FURTHER
AMPLIFYING THE RISK OF DETECTION AND APPREHENSION. 2)
FOR MINORITIES, THE CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM IS PERCEIVED AS RACIST IN
INTENT OR BY CONSEQUENCE; MOST WHITES REJECT THIS CHARGE, ALTHOUGH THEY
ACKNOWLEDGE THE EXISTENCE OF SOME RACISTS WITHIN THE SYSTEM. PART II WHAT IS CRIME IN CONTEXT? {{{A COMPREHENSIVE,
OR OMNIBUS APPROACH THE STUDY OF CRIME SEEKS TO UNDERSTAND STRUCTURES OF
INEQUALITY, SOCIAL TRENDS, CULTURAL CONTRADICTIONS == AND ABOVE ALL DISCOURSES
ON POWER}}} SOCIOLOGISTS HAVE LONG DEBATED THE SOURCES
OF THESE DEFINITIONS OF DEVIANCE-CRIME. (1) SOME EMPHASIZE
A SHARED, SOCIETY-WIDE CONSENSUS AS THE MAIN SOURCE. (2) OTHERS FOCUS
MORE ON THE VARIOUS SOCIAL GROUPS THAT COMPETE TO MAKE SUCH DECISIONS ("POWER
DYNAMICS"). STILL OTHER FEEL THAT ECONOMICS IS THE
MAJOR FORCE BEHIND DEFINITIONS OF DEVIANCE-CRIME [[EX: "CRIMES CHOSEN FOR
ATTENTION == VIOLENT "STREET CRIME" VERSUS "WHITE-COLLAR
CRIME"]] SOME SUGGEST THAT SHARED CONSENSUS, POWER, ECONOMIC
ALL COME INTO PLAY DEPENDING ON THE TYPE OF DEVIANCE-CRIME YOUR CONSIDERING I SAY == TRUE, BUT == "POWER"
IS THE KEY FACTOR. POWER MANUFACTURES CONSENSUS AND CONTROLS
ECONOMICS POWER IS
THE DOMINANT SOCIAL BOND 1)
POWER OPERATIONALIZES SOCIAL GROUP
RELATIONSHIPS. 2)
POWER IS THE BASIS OF SOCIAL
STRATIFICATION AND STATUS SYSTEMS IN SOCIETY. 3) POWER
STRUCTURES OPPORTUNITIES AND ACCESS TO VALUED RESOURCES IN SOCIETY ****UPSHOT:
CRIME HAS CULTURAL AND POWER DIMENSIONS == THEREFORE == CRIMINOLOGY THEORY
ENTER INTO THE DIFFICULT TERRAIN OF POLITICAL AND SOCIO-ECONOMIC ANALYSIS [[EX:
PRIOR TO 1980S IT WAS LEGALLY IMPOSSIBLE FOR A MAN TO BE CHARGED
WITHIN RAPING HIS WIFE. HER CONSENT WAS ASSUMED. BUT LEGISLATION IN 1984
MADE RAPE IN A MARRIAGE ILLEGAL == PRIME EXAMPLE OF PATRIARCHAL
SOCIETY]] PREVAILING
CRIMINAL JUSTICE (AND INJUSTICE) SYSTEM IS FASHIONED BY POLITICAL DOMINATION
AND SOCIO-ECONOMIC CONTROL [[EX. RATES OF
INCARCERATION == NATIVES 3 X THE RATE OF NON-NATIVE == BLACKS 5 X THE RATE OF
NON-BLACKS (THERE ARE MORE NATIVES AND BLACKS IN JAIL THAN IN COLLEGE AND
UNIVERSITY – OSCILLATE BETWEEN "RAGE AND THE CAGE"]] HOW IS
DEVIANCE AND CRIME EXPLAINED? EXPLANATIONS OF DEVIANCE AND CRIME INCLUDE BIOLOGICAL,
PSYCHOLOGICAL, AND SOCIOLOGICAL THEORIES. SOCIOLOGICAL EXPLANATIONS EXAMINE
SOCIAL FORCES AND STRUCTURE, INCLUDING THE IDEA THAT SOCIETY DOES NOT PROVIDE
ENOUGH MEANS FOR EVERYONE TO ACHIEVE THE LOFTY GOALS IT INSTILLS [[EX: SOCIAL
DEPRAVATION THEORY]], THUS OPENING THE DOOR TO DEVIANCE. SOCIAL-PROCESS THEORIES [[EX: DIFFERENTIAL
ASSOCIATION]] VIEW DEVIANCE AND CRIMINALITY AS LEARNED IN GROUP INTERACTIONS
WITH OTHERS. EITHER WAY, SOCIAL FACTORS "CAUSE" DEVIANCE. MOST SOCIOLOGISTS
PREFER THERE SOCIETAL EXPLANATIONS OF DEVIANT CRIMINALITY == IN QUESTIONING THE
STRUCTURE OF SOCIETY, THE MAKING OF SOCIAL RULES, THE APPLICATION OF THE RULES,
AND SPECIFIC CONDITIONS INCLUDING THE EFFECTS OF PUNISHMENT, THEY SEEK SOCIAL
EXPLANATIONS ***{{{OK == WHAT IS THE "RATIONALE" FOR
THIS == [[GO RO POWER POINT PRESENTATION == "GOING TO THE MOUNTAIN
TOP"}}} WHAT ARE
THE "SOCIAL" CAUSES OF CRIME? SOCIOLOGISTS HAVE LONG DEBATED THE SOURCES
OF THESE DEFINITIONS OF DEVIANCE-CRIME. (1) SOME EMPHASIZE
A SHARED, SOCIETY-WIDE CONSENSUS AS THE MAIN SOURCE. (2) OTHERS FOCUS
MORE ON THE VARIOUS SOCIAL GROUPS THAT COMPETE TO MAKE SUCH DECISIONS ("POWER
DYNAMICS"). STILL OTHER FEEL THAT ECONOMICS IS THE
MAJOR FORCE BEHIND DEFINITIONS OF DEVIANCE-CRIME [[EX: "CRIMES CHOSEN FOR
ATTENTION == VIOLENT "STREET CRIME" VERSUS "WHITE-COLLAR
CRIME"]] SOME SUGGEST THAT SHARED CONSENSUS, POWER, ECONOMIC ALL
COME INTO PLAY DEPENDING ON THE TYPE OF DEVIANCE-CRIME YOUR CONSIDERING I SAY == TRUE, BUT == "POWER" IS THE KEY
FACTOR. POWER MANUFACTURES CONSENSUS AND CONTROLS ECONOMICS POWER IS
THE DOMINANT SOCIAL BOND A) POWER
OPERATIONALIZES SOCIAL GROUP RELATIONSHIPS. B) POWER IS THE
BASIS OF SOCIAL STRATIFICATION AND STATUS SYSTEMS IN SOCIETY. C) POWER
STRUCTURES OPPORTUNITIES AND ACCESS TO VALUED RESOURCES IN SOCIETY ****UPSHOT:
CRIME HAS CULTURAL AND POWER DIMENSIONS == THEREFORE == CRIMINOLOGY THEORY ENTER
INTO THE DIFFICULT TERRAIN OF POLITICAL AND SOCIO-ECONOMIC ANALYSIS [[EX:
PRIOR TO 1980S IT WAS LEGALLY IMPOSSIBLE FOR A MAN TO BE CHARGED
WITHIN RAPING HIS WIFE. HER CONSENT WAS ASSUMED. BUT LEGISLATION IN 1984
MADE RAPE IN A MARRIAGE ILLEGAL == PRIME EXAMPLE OF PATRIARCHAL
SOCIETY]] {{{EX:
GO TO POWER POINT PRESENTATION == "MEDIA AND MINORITIES" == THESIS:
MEDIA IS BOTH A PRIMARY AGENT OF SOCIALIZATION, AND THE PRIMARY REPRESENTATIVE
OF THE "DOMINATE GROUP" DISCOURSE ON CRIME}}} [[CULTURAL DISCOURSE PROVIDES THE CONCEPTUAL MODELS
FOR PEOPLE AROUND WHICH THEY MAP THE WORLD]] PREVAILING
CRIMINAL JUSTICE (AND INJUSTICE) SYSTEM IS FASHIONED BY POLITICAL DOMINATION
AND SOCIO-ECONOMIC CONTROL [[EX. RATES OF
INCARCERATION == NATIVES 3 X THE RATE OF NON-NATIVE == BLACKS 5 X THE RATE OF
NON-BLACKS (THERE ARE MORE NATIVES AND BLACKS IN JAIL THAN IN COLLEGE AND
UNIVERSITY – OSCILLATE BETWEEN "RAGE AND THE CAGE"]] A
COMPREHENSIVE, OR OMNIBUS APPROACH THE STUDY OF CRIME SEEKS TO UNDERSTAND
STRUCTURES OF INEQUALITY, SOCIAL TRENDS, CULTURAL CONTRADICTIONS == AND ABOVE
ALL DISCOURSES ON POWER [[PP. 569 == CRIME AND CULTURE ENJOY A SYMBIOTIC
RELATIONSHIP, THAT IS, THE NATURE OF CRIME SHAPES AND IS SHAPED BY THE
QUALITY OF CULTURE. TO LEARN ABOUT
CRIME IS TO QUESTION PROBLEMATIC POSITIONS OF PRIVILEGE WHICH HAVE NOT ASSUMED
MUCH CURRENCY IN EVERYDAY CRIME TALK SOCIOLOGICAL
IMAGINATION == A FORM OF CONSCIOUSNESS IS REQUIRED THAT LINKS THE PERSONAL
TROUBLES OF MILIEU AND PUBLIC ISSUES OF SOCIAL STRUCTURE. … ****DISCOURSE - IS A
SET OF TOPICS FOR DISCUSSION AND A WAY OF TALKING ABOUT THOSE TOPICS THAT IS
CONTINUED OVER TIME BY A NUMBER OF PEOPLE WHO HAVE CERTAIN INTERESTS IN COMMON.
THROUGH DISCOURSE, THE PARTICIPANTS COME TO HAVE A SHARED "KNOWLEDGE"
ABOUT THE WORLD. DISCOURSES
== CULTURAL DISCOURSE IS LOCATED WITHIN WHAT HAS BEEN CALLED SOCIETY'S
"FRAMES OF REFERENCE" (HEBDIGE, 1993). [[EX: RACIAL
SCHEMES AND UNARTICULATED ANALYTIC FRAMEWORKS.]] ALL SOCIOLOGISTS SEEM TO
AGREE THAT CULTURAL DISCOURSE PROVIDES THE CONCEPTUAL MODELS FOR PEOPLE
AROUND WHICH THEY MAP THE WORLD (GOLDBERG, 1993; FOUCAULT, 1980).
CULTURAL DISCOURSE IS WHAT GIVES SOCIETAL MEMBERS DIFFERENT FRAMES OF
REFERENCE (HEBDIGE, 1993). THESE FRAMES OF REFERENCE ARE SEEN AS
LARGELY UNACKNOWLEDGED SET OF BELIEFS, ASSUMPTIONS, FEELINGS, STORIES,
AND QUASI-MEMORIES THAT UNDERLIE, SUSTAIN, AND INFORM PERCEPTIONS, THOUGHTS,
AND ACTIONS. AND IT IS CULTURE'S FRAME OF REFERENCE – OR REFERENCE
FRAMING – THAT CAN PROVIDE FOR DIFFERENT AND DECISIVE DISCOURSES ON THE SAME
SUBJECT. WHAT ALL SOCIOLOGIST DO NOT SEEM TO AGREE UPON IS WHETHER
SOCIOLOGY IS SUBJECT TO THE SELF-SAME ANALYSIS. PART III EXPECTATIONS OF CRIMINAL LAW[?] CRIMINAL LAW
RESTS ON SEVERAL OBJECTIVES == DETERRING THE INDIVIDUAL WRONGDOER
AND THE GENERAL PUBLIC. REINFORCING CERTAIN SOCIAL VALUES. [AND] SIGNALING CERTAIN BEHAVIOUR HAS BEEN DEEMED TO
BE UNDESIRABLE. CRIMINAL LAW CARRIES A POWERFUL SYMBOLIC MESSAGE
– IT SIGNALS THAT SOCIETY DISAPPROVES OF AN ACT AND THAT A FORMAL
RESPONSE BY THE STATE IS NECESSARY. [[EX: CRIMINAL CODE == DIFFERENTIATES
BETWEEN THEFT OF PROPERTY THAT IS WORTH MORE OR LESS THAN $5000
(WITH MORE SERIOUS PUNISHMENT TYPICALLY ACCOMPANYING THEFT OVER THIS
AMOUNT) == DIFFERENTIATES BETWEEN THEFT AND THEFT ACCOMPANIED BY
VIOLENCE, WHICH IS REFERRED TO AS ROBBERY AND IS CONSIDERED SERIOUS == IN EACH
CASE THE CRIMINAL LAW IS USED TO CONVEY A DIFFERENT SYMBOLIC MESSAGE
ABOUT THE SERIOUSNESS OF THE OFFENCE AND HOW IT WILL BE DEALT WITH BY
THE STATE] [[PP. 569 == CRIME AND
CULTURE ENJOY A SYMBIOTIC RELATIONSHIP, THAT IS, THE NATURE OF CRIME SHAPES AND
IS SHAPED BY THE QUALITY OF CULTURE. TO LEARN ABOUT CRIME "AS
SOCIOLOGISTS" IS TO QUESTION PROBLEMATIC POSITIONS OF
PRIVILEGE WHICH HAVE NOT ASSUMED MUCH CURRENCY IN EVERYDAY CRIME TALK HOW DO WE LEARN ABOUT CRIME IN THE EVERYDAY? WE LEARN OUR NOTIONS OF CRIME IN THE SAME WAY WE ARE
SOCIALIZED ABOUT OTHER ASPECTS OF LIFE – THROUGH THE TRANSMISSION OF
CULTURE. [[CULTURAL
DISCOURSE PROVIDES THE CONCEPTUAL MODELS FOR PEOPLE AROUND WHICH THEY MAP THE
WORLD]] CULTURAL DISCOURSE
== ALSO OCCURS IN THE MEDIA – NEWSPAPERS, TELEVISION, RADIO,
BOOKS, FILMS, AND THE INTERNET == MEDIA BOMBARD US WITH A VARIETY OF MESSAGES
ABOUT THE NATURE OF CRIME AND ITS CONTROL THE MEDIA
(PARTICULARLY TELEVISION) TEND TO FOCUS ON VIOLENT CRIME, WHICH MANY OBSERVERS
SAY CREATES AN INACCURATE PERCEPTION ABOUT THE LEVEL OF VIOLENT CRIME IN
CANADA. IN THIS WAY, THE
MASS MEDIA PLAY AN IMPORTANT ROLE IN CULTIVATION SUPPORT FOR PUNITIVE SOLUTIONS
BY ENHANCING FEARS OF CRIMINALITY THROUGH THE REPRESENTATION OF VIOLENT CRIMES. [[HERE WE CAN BEGIN TO SEE THE DYNAMICS OF
"POWER" AND HOW IT INTERSECTS THE ISSUE – TO CONTROL
THE MEDIA, IS TO CONTROL THE "DOMINANT CULTURAL DISCOURSE" ON
CRIME. CRIME DOES NOT JUST EXIST AS A FORCE OF NATURE – BUT IT EXISTS AS A
SOCIAL CONSTRUCTION THROUGH THE DYNAMICS OF CULTURE AND POWER]] CRIME AND
CONTROL SOCIOLOGY EMPHASIZES THE SOCIAL DIMENSIONS OF CRIME WITH
RESPECT TO CAUSES, PATTERNS AND RATES, AND CURES. "SOCIOLOGICAL" THEMES: 1) THE SOCIAL
DIMENSIONS OF "ANTI-SOCIAL" BEHAVIOR. A) THE SOCIAL
DYNAMICS BEHIND – [i] SOCIALLY CONSTRUCTING (DEFINING) DEVIANCE AND CRIME; [ii]
DEFINING WHO IS DEVIANT AND UNDER WHAT CIRCUMSTANCES; [iii] APPLYING
APPROPRIATE RESPONSES TO CRIME. 2) THE IMPACT
OF CRIME AND DEVIANCE ON SOCIETY. A) [i] WHAT IS
CRIME? [ii] WHAT CAUSES IT? [iii] BY WHOM? HOW IS IT CONCEPTUALIZED IN SOCIETY?
[iv] WHAT IS THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN CRIME AND DEVIANCE? 3)
CRIME AS A "SOCIAL
PROBLEM" THAT INVOLVES UNEQUAL DISTRIBUTION OF POWER, PRIVILEGE, AND
RESOURCES. A) [i]
ORIGINATES IN A SOCIAL CONTEXT (NAMELY THAT OF POVERTY AND POWERLESSNESS); [ii]
IS DEFINED AS A PROBLEM BY LAWS THAT THEMSELVES ARE SOCIALLY CONSTRUCTED IN
DEFENCE OF THE POWERFUL AND RICH; [iii] EXERTS A DISRUPTIVE IMPACT ON SOCIETY
WITH RESPECT TO THE STATUS QUO; AND [iv] IS AMENABLE TO SOLUTION BY WAY OF
TREATMENT, AT LEAST IN THEORY, IF NOT ALWAYS IN PRACTICE. FOR SOCIOLOGISTS,
THEN, DEVIANCE AND CRIME ARE NOT DEFINED AS A "THING" PER SE, BUT
RATHER A PROPERTY THAT IS ATTRIBUTED TO AN ACTION BY THOSE IN A POSITION TO
MAKE THESE LABELS STICK. [EX:
"SQUEEGEE KIDS" – DIFFERENTIAL POWER // PUBLIC POVERTY ISSUE OR
PUBLIC SAFETY ISSUE?] FREE WILL
VERSUS DETERMINISM TO WHAT EXTENT
ARE INDIVIDUALS THE BY-PRODUCTS OF THEIR SOCIAL ENVIRONMENT? OR IS IT MORE
CORRECT TO SEE INDIVIDUALS AS ESSENTIALLY AUTONOMOUS PERSONS WITH A CAPACITY
AND RESPONSIBILITY TO TRANSCEND SOCIAL AND CULTURAL CONSTRAINTS? THE QUESTION OF
WHETHER THE INDIVIDUAL IS RESPONSIBLE IS FREQUENTLY COUCHED IN DEBATES OVER
BLAMING THE VICTIM OR BLAMING SOCIETY. IT IS ALSO FRAMED IN THE DISCOURSE OF
FREE WILL VERSUS DETERMINISM OR AGENCY VERSUS STRUCTURE. LOCATING THE
BALANCE BETWEEN AGENCY AND STRUCTURE HAS CHALLENGED SOCIOLOGISTS OVER THE
YEARS, WITH ONLY BLAND CLICHES AS A COMPROMISE SOLUTION. THE CORRECTIVE OF
BLAMING THE SYSTEM RATHER THAN THE INDIVIDUAL MAY BE TAKEN TOO FAR IF PEOPLE
REFUSE TO ACCEPT RESPONSIBILITY. INDIVIDUALS ARE ULTIMATELY RESPONSIBLE FOR
THEIR ACTIONS AND NEED TO BE HELD ACCOUNTABLE FOR WHAT THEY DO. YET THESE
ACTIONS DO NOT ARISE IN A SOCIAL VACUUM, AND NEED TO BE INTERPRETED WITHIN THE
SOCIAL CONTEXT.