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Christopher D. Green
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Edited by Christopher D. Green,
© 2001,
2006 Christopher D. Green
Posted August 2001
revised November 2006
Introduction to Section III: The Founding of the Associations
1. Early in 1892 G. Stanley
Hall, then president of
Frank Angell, Stanford University |
J. H. Hyslop, Columbia College |
2. It is worth noting that
not all of the original members of Hall's group were experimental
psychologists. There were also two alienists (Cowles and Noyes), two
pedagogists (Burnham and Gilman), and several philosophers (Dewey,
T.
Wesley Mills, McGill College
Hugo Münsterberg, Harvard University
A. T. Ormond, Princeton College
Edward Pace, Catholic University
E. B. Titchener, Cornell University
3.
4. Of the 31 AΨA
members, only 18 attended the First Annual Meeting, the 13 absentees being
Angell, James, Patrick, Cowles, Noyes, Royce, Delabarre, Mills, Scripture,
Dewey, Ormond, Wolfe, and Gilman. The election of 11 additional members,
however, brought the total membership to 42, The new members were:
A. C. Armstrong, Jr., Wesleyan University |
John C. Murray, McGill College |
A number of these
individuals -- particularly
5. The new organization
grew rapidly, adding psychologists of both experimental and philosophical
orientations each year. The Second Annual Meeting was held in December of 1894
at
6. The presidents and
locations of the first 10 AΨA meetings were
as follows:
Year 1892 |
President (School) G. Stanley Hall, Clark University |
Location of AΨA Meeting University of |
7. As the meetings grew
larger, the relative proportion of theoretical and philosophical papers began
to grow. Most were on psychological topics. Some, however, were not. As early
as the second AΨA meeting, there were papers on the
17th-century Puritan moralist John Bunyan (by Royce), and on the ancient Greek
philosopher Anaximander (by
8. There is a fairly
standard story told by historians of psychology about the relationship between
the experimentalists and the philosophers in the AΨA. It contends that the AΨA was founded by
experimental psychologists, for experimental psychologists, expressly against
the philosophical approach to psychology that had gone before. This claim is
usually evinced by facts such as Hall's efforts at both Johns Hopkins and Clark
to insulate psychology from the influence of philosophy (see, e.g., O'Donnell,
1985, pp. 141-143)[1] and by Article I of the first AΨA constitution which read: "the object of
the Association is the advancement of Psychology as a science. Those are
eligible for membership who are engaged in this work" (Cattell, 1895). In
addition, during the middle and late 1890s, there appear to have been a number
of attempts to isolate the philosophers into a section, or even a separate
association, of their own in which they wouldn't irritate the experimentalists.
Eventually, so the story goes, the philosophers were effectively pushed out of
the AΨA by unhappy experimentalists and forced to set
up their own organizations.
9. Perhaps not
surprisingly, historians of philosophy have a somewhat different version of
events.
10. So let us examine in
more detail what happened during the AΨA meetings of
the 1890s. First, was Article I of the AΨA constitution designed to exclude philosophers from the organization?
Most probably not. The term "science" covered a much broader range of
activities than simply working in a laboratory. Indeed, there was a great deal
of talk at the time about whether philosophy itself was or would soon become
"scientific" (see Wilson, 1990, esp. chap. 4). This question meant
different things to different individuals. In general it did not refer to
philosophy becoming "experimental" in some sense, but rather that it
would be rigorous, logical, reliant on empirical research for facts about the
world, and more generally that it would become the province of recognized
experts and professionals. The implicit contrast here was with the narrow and
dogmatic theologians who had served as professors of philosophy in most
American colleges up to that time (see, e.g., Hall, 1879). Did the members of
the AΨA all accept this characterization of
"science"? Some did and some didn't, but given the number of
philosophers who were members of the early AΨA, it is unlikely that it was written with their exclusion specifically
in mind.
11. There were a number of
attempts to isolate or oust the philosophers from the AΨA, but it is important to note that none of them wholly succeeded. It is
true that some philosophical papers were presented having little to do with
psychological matters, and these may well have irritated some AΨA members, but it appears that the majority was
happy to have papers on philosophical psychology included in the program. For
instance, at the 1895 meeting of the AΨA, the topic of
forming a "philosophical society or philosophical section" was
brought up in the business meeting (we do not know by whom), and was
"referred to the Council [the ruling body of the AΨA] with full power to act" (Sanford, 1896, p. 122). In 1896, an
anonymous editorial in the American Journal of Psychology lamented that
"the retirement of the experimentalists, -- emphasized further by the
proposal to devote a certain amount of the time of each meeting to
philosophical enquiries, -- cannot but be regretted" (Anonymous, 1896, p. 448).[2] "It is not that the systematic [philosophical]
psychologists are forcing their way unduly to the front," the writer
continued, "but rather that the plan and restrictions of the meetings are
of a kind to favor them, and to debar their experimentally inclined colleagues
from playing any large part in the session" (Anonymous, 1896, pp.
448-449). Perhaps as a result, at the 1896 meeting the "papers of a
distinctly philosophical character" were grouped together into a single
session. Also at the 1896 meeting Lightner Witmer of Pennsylvania moved that
the AΨA Council "select only such papers and
contributions to the program of the annual meeting as are psychological in
subject-matter." He also requested "a plan for the formation of an
American Philosophical or Metaphysical Association," and that the names of
nominees for membership be presented "together with a statement of the
[nominee's] contribution or contributions to psychology" (Farrand, 1897,
p. 109). Note however that, if adopted, this motion would not have excluded
philosophers per se from the AΨA, only those
who were not working on psychological topics.
12. At the AΨA meeting of 1897, the afternoon session of the
first day was divided into two -- "Section A meeting for the discussion of
physical and mental tests, and Section B, with Professor Creighton in the
chair, for the reading of psychological[sic] papers" (Farrand,
1898). The wording is somewhat odd -- weren't all AΨA papers "psychological papers," at least in principle?
Possibly it is typographical error, and should have been "philosophical
papers." Given that Creighton was an idealist philosopher from Cornell,
and that there were a number of clearly philosophical papers (most, but not
all, were on psychological subjects) among the abstracts in the proceedings,
this is a likely supposition.
13. Again at the 1898
meeting, a motion was put forward, this time by E. C. Sanford of Clark:
First, that the matter of the
organization of the Association with reference to a possible philosophical
section be referred to Council, to be reported on at the next meeting; Second,
that the Secretary be instructed in arranging the programme for the next
meeting to gather philosophical papers as far as practicable into the programme
of one session; Third, that the Secretary be instructed to send out
during the course of the year a circular letter requesting, for the information
of the Council, the opinion of the individual members of the Association on the
above mentioned question of the organization of the Association. (Farrand,
1899, p. 147-148)
Because few members were
actually present at the business meeting, a final decision on Sanford's motion
was postponed (Bliss, 1899). The only published comment on the motion was by
Charles B. Bliss, who opposed it in part on the grounds that "our best
psychologists are among our best philosophers," and that
"philosophical papers are already welcome whenever they offer
contributions to psychology" (Bliss, 1899, p. 237). We do not know the
outcome of the mail-in poll of the members on Sanford's motion, but the 1899
meeting of the AΨA saw the last two days (of three) of
the program divided into "Section A (Experimental)" and "Section
B (Philosophical)." Perhaps this means that
14. Three days after the
1899 meeting of the AΨA, a group of
philosophers met in
Max
Meyer,
G. T. W. Patrick,
Carl E. Seashore,
Frank Thilly,
Norman P. Wilde,
H. K. Wolfe,
Of the 4 AΨA members living west of the
15. The character of papers
presented at the first WΦA meeting show how intimately philosophy and
psychology were connected at the time. Thilly's presidential address was on
mind-body interactionism. Patrick delivered a paper on the psychology of
profanity which later appeared in Psychological Review. E. L. Hinman
gave a paper on the will, J. D. Logan on the "psychology of style,"
and T. L. Bolton and C. A. Elwood presented papers on the psychology of
imitation. Indeed, only two papers were not on obviously psychological topics:
F. J. E. Woodbridge's on Greek philosophy, and J. R. Brown's on the philosophy
of just-deceased Unitarian theologian James Martineau.
16. In the spring of 1902,
a larger group of philosophers met at
I
don't foresee much good from a philosophical society. Philosophical discussion
proper only succeeds between intimates who have learned how to converse by
months of weary trial and failure. The philosopher is a lone beast dwelling in
his individual burrow. -- Count me out!" (cited in Gardiner, 1926,
p. 148)
Of course, James ultimately
did join the AΦA in 1904 (the year of his second presidency of the AΨA, incidentally), and became AΦA President
in 1907 (Gardiner, 1902).
17. The papers at the first
meeting of the AΦA were not dominated by psychological topics to the same
degree as were those at the first WΦA meeting. J. E. Creighton's
presidential address was on the purpose of a philosophical association. Of the
14 other papers presented, only two were clearly on psychological topics -- H.
H. Bawden's "The Functional View of the Relation Between the Psychical and
the Physical" and G. S. Fullerton's "The Atomic Self." A few
others had some relation to psychology: E. H. Sneath's "The Æsthetic
Element in Human Nature," E. B. McGilvary's "The Consciousness of
Obligation," and J. A. Leighton's "On the Study of
Individuality."
18. The founding of the two
new philosophical associations, the larger of which drew almost two-thirds of
its members from the AΨA, seems to have
had little impact on the AΨA's own
membership numbers. At least initially, few philosophers dropped their AΨA memberships to join either the WΦA or the
AΦA. Indeed, at the Winter 1902-1903 meeting the AΨA's membership was 135, an increase 8 members from the previous year. The
AΨA met in conjunction with the WΦA or the
AΦA (among various scientific groups) several times during the first
decade of the 20th century.
19. In December 1904, a
fourth group, this one composed of both philosophers and psychologists, met in
20. Almost from their
beginnings, there were multiple efforts to bring about an amalgamation of the
WΦA, the AΦA, and the SSΦΨ into a single national
philosophical organization. Various discussions were held and proposals tabled,
but little came of them. It was not until 1914 that the WΦA and AΦA
even held a joint annual meeting. In 1919 the AΦA more or less
unilaterally voted itself to become the Eastern Division of a largely
hypothetical greater AΦA that would ultimately include the WΦA as the
Western Division. In 1922 the two Divisions held a joint conference. In 1924, a
newly formed Pacific Philosophical Association was invited to join as Pacific Division
of the (still rather amorphous) greater AΦA. It was not until 1927 that an
agreement was worked out giving the greater AΦA a national executive (made
up of executive members of the three Divisions). To the present day, however,
the three Divisions (now Eastern, Central, and Pacific) of the AΦA
meet separately and elect their officers independently . The SSΦΨ
never joined, and continues on as a separate organization (see Pate, 1993).
21. One other development
during the first decade of the 20th century warrants notice. At the 1900
meeting of the AΨA, some of the western members --
mainly Dewey, Bryan, and Jastrow -- complained that the conference was always
held in the east, making it difficult for them to attend. One immediate response to this was to hold
the 1901 AΨA meeting in
-- Christopher D. Green
Footnotes
[1] Despite
this, it is interesting to note that Hall described the history of philosophy
as being his "first love" (cited in Bringmann, Bringmann, &
Early, 1992) and insisted that many of his students study the topic.
[2] Sokal
(1992, p. 119) says that the comment was "almost surely written by
Titchener."
[3]
Technically there were only 60 AΨA members in the
list of charter members of the AΦA because J. H. Hyslop of Columbia and A.
T. Ormond of Princeton, both of whom had become AΨA members in the first year of its existence, dropped their AΨA memberships just before joining the AΦA,
and so their names do not appear in the list of AΨA members for the 1901 meeting.
[4] No
complete membership lists exist for the AΨA in late-1903 or 1904.
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