|
http://www.tertullian.org/fathers/preface#preface Cornelius Nepos: Lives of Eminent Commanders (1886) pp. 305-450. Translated by the Rev.
John Selby Watson, MA Preface 1. Miltiades. 2. Themistocles. 3. Aristides. 4. Pausanias. 5. Cimon. 6. Lysander. 7. Alcibiades. 8. Thrasybulus. 9. Conon. 10. Dion. 11. Iphicrates. 12. Chabrias. 13. Timotheus. 14. Datames. 15. Epaminondas. 16. Pelopidas. 17. Agesilaus. 18. Eumenes. 19. Phocion. 20. Timoleon. 21. Of Kings. 22. Hamilcar. 23. 24. Marcus Porcius
Cato. From the second book of Cornelius Nepos. 25. Titus Pomponius
Atticus. Fragments CORNELIUS NEPOS. ------------ LIVES OF EMINENT COMMANDERS. ------------ I do not doubt that there
will be many,1
Atticus, who will think this kind of writing 2
trifling in its nature, and not sufficiently adapted to the characters of
eminent men, when they shall find it related who taught Epaminondas music, or
see it numbered among his accomplishments, that he danced gracefully, and
played skilfully on the flutes 3. But
these will be such, for the most part, as, being unacquainted with Greek
literature, will think nothing right but what agrees with their own customs. If these readers will but
understand that the same things are not becoming or unbecoming among all
people, but that every thing is judged by the usages of men's forefathers,
they will not wonder that we, in setting forth the excellencies of the
Greeks, have had regard to their manners. For to Cimon, an eminent man among
the Athenians, it was thought no disgrace to have his half-sister, 4 by
the father's side, in marriage, as his countrymen followed the same practice;
but such a union, according to the order of things among us, is deemed
unlawful. |306 In But both the size of my
intended volume, and my haste to relate what I have undertaken, prevent me
from saying more on this point. We will therefore proceed to our subject, and
relate in this book the lives of eminent commanders. |308
Miltiades leads out a
colony to the Chersonese; is mocked by the people of Lemnos, I.----Makes
himself master of the Chersonese; takes Lemnos and the Cyclades, II.----Is
appointed by Darius, when he was making war on Scythia, to guard the bridge
over the Ister; suggests a plan for delivering Greece from the Persians; is
opposed by Histiaeus, III.----Exhorts his countrymen to meet Darius in the
field, IV.----Defeats Darius before the arrival of the allies, V.----How he
is rewarded, VI.----Breaks off the siege of Paros, is condemned, and dies in
prison, VII.----True cause of his condemnation. VIII. I. AT the time when
Miltiades, the son of Cimon, an Athenian, was eminent above all his
countrymen, both for the antiquity of his family, the glory of his
forefathers, and his own good conduct,9 and
was of such an age that his fellow citizens might not only hope well of him,
but assure themselves that he would be such as they found him when he became
known, it chanced that the Athenians wished to send colonists to the
Chersonese.10
The number of the party being great, and many applying for a share in the
expedition, some chosen from among them were sent to Delphi,11 to
consult Apollo what leader they should take in preference to any other; for
the Thracians at the time had possession of those parts, with whom they would
be obliged to contend in war. The Pythia expressly directed them, when they
put the question, to take Miltiades as their |309
commander, as, if they did so, their undertakings would be successful. Upon
this answer from the oracle, Miltiades set out for the Chersonese with a
fleet, accompanied by a chosen body of men,12
and touched at Lemnos, when, wishing to reduce the people of the island under
the power of the Athenians, and requesting the Lemnians to surrender of their
own accord, they, in mockery, replied that "they would do so, whenever
he, leaving home with a fleet, should reach Lemnos by the aid of the wind
Aquilo;" for this wind, rising from the north, is contrary to those
setting out from Athens. Miltiades, having no time for delay, directed his
course to the quarter to which he was bound, and arrived at the Chersonese. II. Having there, in a
short time, scattered the forces of the barbarians, and made himself master
of all the territory that he had desired, he strengthened suitable places
with fortresses, 13
settled the multitude, which he had brought with him, in the country, and
enriched them by frequent excursions. Nor was he less aided, in this
proceeding, by good conduct than by good fortune, for after he had, by the
valour of his men, routed the troops of the enemy, he settled affairs with
the greatest equity, and resolved upon residing in the country himself. He
held, indeed, among the inhabitants, the authority of a king, though he
wanted the name; and he did not attain this influence more by his power than
by his justice. Nor did he the less, on this account, perform his duty to the
Athenians, from whom he had come. From these circumstances it happened that
he held his office in perpetuity, not less with the consent of those who had
sent him, than of those with whom he had gone thither. Having settled the affairs
of the Chersonese in this manner, he returned to Lemnos, and called on the
people to deliver up their city to him according to their promise; for they
had said that when he, starting from home, should reach their country by the
aid of the north wind, they would surrender themselves; "and he had now
a home," he told them, "in the Chersonese." The Carians, who
then inhabited Lemnos, |310
though the event had fallen out contrary to their expectation, yet being
influenced, not by the words, but by the good fortune of their adversaries,
did not venture to resist, but withdrew out of the island. With like success
he reduced some other islands, which are called the III. About the same
period, Darius, king of Persia, resolved upon transporting his army from Asia
into Europe, and making war upon the Scythians. He constructed a bridge over
the river Ister, by which he might lead across his forces. Of this bridge he
left as guardians, during his absence,14
the chiefs 15
whom he had brought with him from Ionia and Aeolia, and to whom he had given
the sovereignty of their respective cities; for he thought that he should
most easily keep under his power such of the inhabitants of Asia as spoke
Greek, if he gave their towns to be held by his friends, to whom, if he
should be crushed,16
no hope of safety would be left. Among the number of those, to whom the care
of the bridge was then entrusted, was Miltiades. As several messengers
brought word that Darius was unsuccessful in his enterprise, and was hard
pressed by the Scythians, Miltiades, in consequence, exhorted the guardians
of the bridge not to lose an opportunity, presented them by by fortune, of
securing the liberty of Greece; for if Darius should be destroyed, together
with the army that he had taken with him, not only Europe would be safe, but
also those who, being Greeks by birth, inhabited Asia, would be freed from
the dominion of the Persians, and from all danger. "This," he said,
"might easily be accomplished, for, if the bridge were broken down, the
king would perish in a few days, either by the sword of the enemy, or by
famine." After most of them had assented to this proposal, Histiaeus of
Miletus, prevented the design from being executed; saying that "the same
course would not be expedient for those who held sovereign command, as for
the multitude, since their authority depended on the power of Darius, and, |311 if he were cut off, they would be
deprived of their governments, and suffer punishment at the hands of their
subjects;17
and that he himself, therefore, was so far from agreeing in opinion with the
rest, that he thought nothing more advantageous for them than that the
kingdom of the Persians should be upheld." As most went over to this
opinion, Miltiades, not doubting that his proposal, since so many were
acquainted with it, would come to the ears of the king, quitted the
Chersonese, and went again to reside at Athens. His suggestion, though it did
not take effect, is yet highly to be commended, as he showed himself a
greater friend to the general liberty than to his own power. IV. Darius, when he had
returned from Asia into Europe, prepared, at the exhortation of his friends,
in order to reduce Greece under his dominion, a fleet of five hundred ships,
and appointed Datis and Artaphernes to the command of it, to whom he assigned
two hundred thousand infantry and ten thousand cavalry; alleging as a reason
for his enterprise, that he was an enemy to the Athenians, because, with
their aid, the Ionians had stormed Sardis 18
and put his garrison to death. These generals of the king, having brought up
their fleet to Among these captains there
was a great discussion, whether they should defend themselves within the
walls, or march out to meet the enemy, and decide the contest in the field.
Miltiades was the only one extremely urgent that a camp should be formed as
soon as possible; "for," he said, "if that were done, not only
would courage be added to their countrymen, when they saw that there was no
distrust of their valour, but the enemy, from the same cause, would be less
bold, if they saw that the Athenians would venture to oppose them with so small
a force." V. In this crisis no state
gave assistance to the Athenians, except that of VI. For this victory it
does not seem improper to state what reward was conferred on Miltiades, that
it may be the more easily understood that the nature of all states is the
same; for as honours among our own people were once few and inexpensive, and
for that reason highly prized, but are now costly and common, so we find that
it formerly was among the Athenians. For to this very Miltiades, who had
saved Athens and the whole of Greece, such honour only was granted, that when
the battle of Marathon was painted in the portico called Poecile,22 his
figure was placed first in the number of the ten commanders, and he was
represented as encouraging his men, and commencing the battle. The same
people, after they acquired greater power, and were corrupted by the
largesses of their rulers, decreed three hundred statues to Demetrius
Phalereus. VII. After this battle the
Athenians gave Miltiades a fleet of seventy ships, that
he might make war on the islands that had assisted the barbarians. In the discharge
of this commission he obliged most of them to return to their duty; 23
some he took by assault. Being unable to gain over by persuasion one of their
number, the island of Paros, which was vain of its strength, he drew his
troops out of his ships, invested the town,24
and cut off all their supplies; soon after, he erected his vineae 25
and tortoises, and came close up to the walls. When he was on the point of
taking the town, a grove on the main land, which was some distance off, but
visible from the island, was set on fire, by I know not what accident, in the
night; and when the flame of it was seen by the townsmen and besiegers, it
was imagined by both that it was a signal given by the men of the king's
fleet; whence it happened that both the Parians were deterred 26
from surrendering, and Miltiades, fearing that the royal fleet was
approaching, |314 set fire to the works
which he had erected, and returned to Athens with the same number of ships
with which he had set out, to the great displeasure of his countrymen. He was
in consequence accused of treason, on the allegation, that "when he
might have taken VIII. Although he was
brought to trial on the charge relating to Paros, yet there was another cause
for his condemnation; for the Athenians, in consequence of the tyranny of
Pisistratus, which had occurred a few years before, looked with dread on the
aggrandizement of any one of their citizens. Miltiades having been much
engaged in military and civil offices, was not thought likely to be contented
in a private station, especially as he might seem to be drawn by the force of
habit to long for power; for he had held uninterrupted sovereignty in the
Chersonesus during all the years that he had dwelt there, and had been called
a tyrant, though a just one; for he had not acquired his power by
violence, but by the consent of his countrymen, and had maintained his
authority by the uprightness of his conduct. But all are esteemed and called
tyrants, who become possessed of permanent power in any state which had
previously enjoyed liberty. In Miltiades, however, there was both the
greatest philanthropy and a wonderful affability, so that there was no person
so humble as not to have free access to him; he had also the greatest
influence among all the states of Greece, with a noble name, and reputation
for military achievements. The people, looking to these circumstances, chose
rather that he should suffer, though innocent, than that they should continue
longer in fear of him. |315
Youth of Themistocles; he
is disinherited by his father, I. THEMISTOCLES was the
son of Neocles, an Athenian. The vices of his early youth were compensated by
great virtues, so that no one is thought superior, and few are considered
equal to him. But we must begin from the
beginning. His father Neocles was of a good family, and married a native of
Acharnae,27 of
whom Themistocles was the son. Falling under the displeasure of his parents,
because he lived too freely, and took no care of his property, he was
disinherited by his father. This disgrace, however, did not dishearten him,
but incited him to exertion, for being aware that it could not be obliterated
without the utmost efforts on his part, he devoted himself wholly to affairs
of state, studying diligently to benefit his friends as well as his own
reputation. He was much engaged in private causes, and appeared often before
the assembly of the people; no matter of importance was managed without him;
he quickly discovered what was necessary to be done, and readily explained it
in his speeches. Nor was he less ready in managing business than in devising
plans for it, for, as Thucydides says, he formed a most accurate judgment of
present affairs, and the shrewdest conjectures as to the future. Hence it
happened that he soon became distinguished. |316
II. His first step in the
management of public affairs was in the Corcyraean war.28
Being chosen commander by the people to conduct it, he increased the
confidence of the citizens, not only as to the struggle in which they were
engaged, but for time to come. As the public money, which came in from the
mines, was annually wasted by the profusion 29 of
the magistrates, he prevailed on the people that a fleet of a hundred ships
should be built with that money. This being soon constructed, he first
reduced the Corcyraeans, and then, by vigorously pursuing the pirates,
rendered the sea secure. In acting thus, he both supplied the Athenians with
wealth, and made them extremely skilful in naval warfare. How much this
contributed to the safety of Greece in general, was discovered in the Persian
war, when Xerxes assailed the whole of Europe by sea and land, with such a
force as no man ever had, before or since; for his fleet consisted of two
hundred ships of war, on which two thousand transport vessels attended, and
his land force was seven hundred thousand foot, and four hundred thousand
horse. When the news of his
approach was spread through III. This measure of
Themistocles was unsatisfactory to most of the states,
and they preferred to fight on land. A select force was accordingly sent with
Leonidas, king of the Lacedaemonians, to secure the pass of IV. Xerxes, having forced
a passage through Thermopylae marched at once to the city, and as none
defended it, destroyed it by fire, putting to death the priests that he found
in the citadel. As those on board the fleet, alarmed at the report of this
catastrophe, did not dare to remain where they were, and most of them gave
their opinion that they should return to their respective homes, and defend
themselves within their walls, Themistocles alone opposed it, saying that
united they would be a match for the enemy, but declaring that if they
separated they would be destroyed. That this would be the case he assured
Eurybiades, king of the Lacedaemonians, who then held the chief command, but
making less impression on him than he wished, he sent one of his slaves, the
most trustworthy that he had, to Xerxes in the night, to tell him in his own precise
words, that "his enemies were retreating, and that, if they should make
off, he would require more labour and longer time to finish the war, as he
would have to pursue |318
those singly, whom, if he attacked them immediately, he might destroy in a body
and at once." The object of this communication was,
that all the Greeks should be forced to fight even against their will. The
barbarian, receiving this intimation, and not suspecting any guile to be
hidden under it, engaged, the day after, in a place most unfavourable for
himself, and most advantageous for the enemy, the strait being so confined30
that the body of his fleet could not be brought into action. He was defeated
in consequence rather by the stratagem of Themistocles than by the arms of V. Though Xerxes had thus
mismanaged his affairs, he had yet so vast a force left, that even with this
he might have overpowered his enemies. But in the meanwhile 31 he
was driven from his position by the same leader. For Themistocles, fearing
that he would persist in protracting the contest, sent him notice that it was
in contemplation that the bridge, which he had made over the Hellespont,
should be broken up, and that he should thus be prevented from returning into
Asia; and he convinced him that such was the fact. In consequence Xerxes
returned into VI. Themistocles was great
in this war, and was not less distinguished in peace; for as the Athenians
used the harbour of Phalerum, which was neither large nor convenient, the
triple port of the Piraeeus 33
was constructed by his advice, and enclosed with walls, so that it equalled
the city in magnificence, and excelled it in utility. He also rebuilt the
walls |319 of Athens at his own
individual risk , for the Lacedaemonians, having found a fair pretext, in
consequence of the inroads of the barbarians, for saying that no walled town
should be kept up without the Peloponnesus, in order that there might be no
fortified places of which the enemy might take possession, attempted to
prevent the Athenians from building them. This attempt had a far different
object from that which they wished to be apparent; for the Athenians, by
their two victories at Marathon and Salamis, had gained so much renown among
all people, that the Lacedaemonians became aware that they should have a
struggle with them for the supremacy. They therefore wished the Athenians to
be as weak as possible. After they heard, however,
that the erection of the wall was begun, they sent ambassadors to VII. Themistocles, when he
arrived at Lacedaemon, would not go to the authorities at once, but
endeavoured to make as much delay as possible, alleging, as a reason, that he
was waiting for his colleagues. While the Lacedaemonians were complaining
that the work was nevertheless continued, and that he was trying to deceive
them in the matter, the rest of the ambassadors in the meantime arrived; and,
as he learned from them that but little of the wall remained to be done, he
proceeded to the Lacedaemonian Ephori, in whom the supreme power was vested,
and assured them positively that "false accounts had been given
them," adding "that it would be proper for them to send persons of character
and respectability, in whom trust might be placed, to inquire into the
affair; and that in the meantime they might detain himself as a hostage.' |320 His suggestion was complied with, and
three deputies, men who had filled the highest offices, were despatched to When Themistocles thought
that they had reached the city, he went to the Ephori and senate of the
Lacedaemonians, and boldly stated that "the Athenians, by his advice,
had enclosed their public gods, and their national and household gods,34
with walls, that they might more easily defend them from the enemy, a step
which they were at liberty to take by the common law of nations; nor had
they, in acting thus, done what was useless to Greece; for their city stood
as a bulwark against the barbarians, at which the king's fleets had already
twice suffered shipwreck; and that the Lacedaemonians acted unreasonably and
unjustly, in regarding rather what was conducive to their own dominion, than
what would be of advantage to the whole of Greece. If, therefore, they wished
to receive back the deputies whom they had sent to VIII. Yet he did not
escape jealousy on the part of his own countrymen; for being expelled from
the city by the ostracism, through the same apprehension from which Miltiades
had been condemned, he went to dwell at IX. I know most historians
have related that Themistocles went over into Asia in the reign of Xerxes,
but I give credence to Thucydides in preference to others, because he, of all
who have left records of that period, was nearest in point of time to
Themistocles, and was of the same city. Thucydides says that he went to
Artaxerxes, and sent him a letter in these words: "I, Themistocles, am come
to you, a man, who, of all the Greeks, brought most evil upon your house,
when. I was obliged to war against your father, and to defend my own country.
I also did your father still greater service, after I myself was in safety,
and he began to be in danger; for when he wished, after the battle fought at
Salamis, to return into Asia, I informed him by letter that it was in
contemplation that the bridge, which he had constructed over the Hellespont,
should be broken up, and that he should be surrounded by enemies; by which
information he was rescued from danger. But now, pursued by all Greece, I
have fled to you, soliciting your favour, and if I shall obtain it, you will |322 find me no less deserving as a friend
than your father found me resolute as an enemy. I make this request, however,
that with regard to the subjects on which I wish to discourse with you, you
would grant me a year's delay, and when that time is past, permit me to
approach you." X. The king, admiring his
greatness of mind, and wishing to have such a man attached to him, granted
his request. Themistocles devoted all that time to the writings and language
of the Persians, in which he acquired such knowledge, that he is said to have
spoken before the king with much more propriety 36
than those could who were born in Persia. After he had made the king many
promises, and what was most agreeable of them all, that if he would follow
his advice, he might conquer Greece in war, he was honoured with rich
presents by Artaxerxes, and returning into Asia Minor, fixed his habitation
at Magnesia. For the king had bestowed upon him this city, expressing himself
in these words, that "it was to supply him with bread;" (from the
land about this place fifty talents came into him annually;) and he had also
given him Lampsacus, "whence he might get his wine," and Myus,
"from which he might have meats for his table."37 Two memorials of
Themistocles have remained to our times; his sepulchre near the city,38 in
which he was buried, and his statues in the forum of Magnesia. Concerning his
death various accounts have been given by several writers; we prefer, to all
others, the authority of Thucydides, who says that he died of some disease at
Magnesia, though he admits that there was a report that he voluntarily took
poison, because he despaired of being able to perform what he had promised
the king about subjugating Greece. Thucydides has also recorded that his
bones were buried by his friends in Attica privately, it not being permitted
by law to bury them, as he had been pronounced guilty of treason. |323 Aristides the contemporary
and rival of Themistocles; is banished, I. ARISTIDES, the son of
Lysimachus, a native of Athens, was almost of the same age with Themistocles,
and contended with him, in consequence, for pre-eminence, as they were
determined rivals one to the other; 39
and it was seen in their case how much eloquence could prevail over
integrity; for though Aristides was so distinguished for uprightness of
conduct,40
that he was the only person in the memory of man (as far at least as I have
heard) who was called by the surname of JUST, yet being overborne by
Themistocles with the ostracism, he was condemned to be banished for ten
years. Aristides, finding that the
excited multitude could not be appeased, and noticing, as he yielded to their
violence, a person writing that he ought to be banished, is said to have
asked him "why he did so, or what Aristides had done, that he should be
thought deserving of such a punishment?" The person writing replied,
that "he did not know Aristides, but that he was not pleased that he had
laboured to be called Just beyond other men." He did not suffer the full
sentence of ten years appointed by law, for when Xerxes made a descent upon
Greece, he was recalled into his country by a decree of the people, about six
years after he had been exiled. II. He was present,
however, in the sea-fight at III. 42
In order that they might repel the barbarians more easily, if perchance
they should try to renew the war, Aristides was chosen to settle what sum of
money each state should contribute for building fleets and equipping troops.
By his appointment four hundred and sixty talents were deposited annually at
Delos, which they fixed upon to be the common treasury; but all this money
was afterwards removed to How great was his
integrity, there is no more certain proof, than that, though he had been at
the head of such important affairs, he died in such poverty that he scarcely
left money to defray the charges of his funeral. Hence it was that his
daughters were brought up at the expense of the country, and were married
with dowries given them from the public treasury. He died about four years
after Themistocles was banished from Pausanias at Plataeae, I. PAUSANIAS the
Lacedaemonian was a great man, but of varied character in all the relations
of life; for as he was ennobled by virtues, he was also obscured by vices.
His most famous battle was that at Plataeae, for, under his command
Mardonius, a royal satrap, by birth a Mede, and son-in-law to the king (a
man, among the chief of all the Persians, brave in action and full of
sagacity), at the head of two hundred thousand infantry, whom he had chosen
man by man, and twenty thousand cavalry, was routed by no very large army of
Greeks; and the general himself was slain in the struggle. Elated by this victory, he
began to indulge in irregular proceedings,43
and to covet greater power. But he first incurred blame on this account, that
he offered at Delphi, out of the spoil, a golden tripod with an inscription
written upon it, in which was this statement, that "the barbarians had been
cut off at Plataeae by his management, and that, on account of that victory,
he had presented this offering to Apollo." These lines the
Lacedaemonians erased, and wrote nothing but the names of the states by whose
aid the Persians had been conquered. II. After this battle they
sent Pausanias with the confederate fleet to Cyprus and the Hellespont, to
expel the garrisons of the barbarians from those parts. Experiencing equal
good fortune in this enterprise, he began to conduct himself still more haughtily,
and to aim at still higher matters; for having, at the taking of Byzantium,
captured several Persian noblemen, and among them some relations of the king,
he sent them secretly back to Xerxes, and pretended that they had escaped out
of prison. He sent with them, also, Gongylus of Eretria, to carry a letter to
the king, in which Thucydides 44
has recorded that the following words were written: "Pausanias, the
general of Sparta, having discovered that those whom |326
he took at Byzantium are your relations, has sent them back as a gift, and
desires to be joined in affinity with you. If therefore it seem
good to you, give him your daughter in marriage. Should you do so, he
engages, with your aid, to bring both The king, extremely
delighted at the restoration of so many persons so nearly related to him,
immediately despatched Artabazus with a letter to Pausanias, in which he
commended him, and begged that he would spare no pains to accomplish what he
promised; if he effected it, he should never meet with a refusal of anything
from him. Pausanias, learning what the king's pleasure was, and growing more
eager for the accomplishment of his designs, fell under the suspicion of the
Lacedaemonians. In the midst of his proceedings, accordingly, he was recalled
home, and being brought to trial on a capital charge, was acquitted on it,
but sentenced to pay a fine; for which reason he was not sent back to the
fleet. III. Not long after,
however, he returned to the army of his own accord, and there, not in a
sensible, but in an insane manner, let his views become known; for he laid
aside, not only the manners of his country, but its fashions and dress. He
adopted regal splendour and Median attire; Median and Egyptian guards
attended him; he had his table served, after the Persian manner, more
luxuriously than those who were with him could endure; he refused permission
to approach him to those who sought it; he gave haughty replies and severe
commands. To There is a certain class
of men called Helots, of whom a great number till the lands of the
Lacedaemonians, and perform the duties of slaves. These men he was thought to
have solicited, by holding out to them hopes of liberty, to join him. But as
there was no visible ground for a charge against him on these points, on
which he might be convicted, they did not think that they ought to pronounce,
concerning so eminent and famous a man, on suspicion only, but that they must
wait till the affair should disclose itself. IV. In the meantime a
certain Argilian,48
a young man whom, in his boyhood, Pausanias had loved with an ardent
affection,49
having received a letter from him for Artabazus, and conceiving a suspicion
that there was something written in it about himself, because no one of those
who had been sent to the same place on such an errand, had returned, loosed
the string of the letter,50
and taking off the seal, discovered that if he delivered it he would lose his
life. In the letter were also some particulars respecting matters that had
been arranged between the king and Pausanias. This letter he delivered to the
Ephori. The cautious prudence of the Lacedaemonians, on this occasion, is not
to be passed without notice; for they were not induced, even by this man's
information, to seize Pausanias, nor did they think that violent measures
should be adopted, until he gave proof of his own guilt. |328 They accordingly directed
the informer what they wished to have done. At Taenarus there is a V. The Ephori, hearing
these particulars, thought it better that he should be apprehended in the
city. After they had set out thither, and Pausanias, having, as he thought,
pacified the Argilian, was also returning to Lacedaemon, he understood (just
as he was on the point of being made prisoner) by a look from one of the
Ephori who wished to warn him, that some secret mischief was intended against
him. He accordingly fled for refuge, a few steps before those who pursued
him, into the As soon as he was carried,
half-dead, out of the temple, he gave up the ghost. When some said that his
body ought to |329 be carried to the place
where those given up to capital punishment were buried, the proposal was
displeasing to the majority, and they interred him at some distance from the spot
in which he died. He was afterwards removed from thence, in consequence of an
admonition from the Delphic god, and buried in the same place where he had
ended his life. Cimon is compelled to go
to prison on the death of his father; is liberated by his wife, I.-----His
character and actions; he defeats the Persians by land and sea on the same
day, II.----Is ostracised and recalled, and makes peace with the
Lacedaemonians; his death, III.----His praises, IV. I. CIMON, the son of
Miltiades, an Athenian, experienced a very unhappy entrance on manhood; for
as his father had been unable to pay to the people the fine imposed upon him,
and had consequently died in the public gaol, Cimon was kept in prison, nor
could he, by the Athenian laws,52 be
set at liberty, unless he paid the sum of money that his father had been
fined. He had married, however, his sister by the father's side,53
named Elpinice, induced not more by love than by custom; for the Athenians
are allowed to marry their sisters by the same father; and a certain Callias,
a man whose birth was not equal to his wealth, and who had made a great
fortune from the mines, being desirous of having her for a wife, tried to
prevail on Cimon to resign her to him, saying that if he obtained his desire,
he would pay the fine for him. Though Cimon received such a proposal with
scorn, Elpinice said that she would not allow a son of Miltiades to die in
the public prison, when she could prevent it; and that she would marry
Callias if he would perform what he promised. II. Cimon, being thus set
free from confinement, soon attained great eminence; for he had considerable
eloquence, |330 the utmost generosity,
and great skill, not only in civil law, but in military affairs, as he had
been employed from his boyhood with his father in the army. He in consequence
held the people of the city under his control, and had great influence over
the troops. In his first term of service, on the river Strymon, he put to
flight great forces of the Thracians, founded the city of III. When, by these acts,
he had attained greater honour in the state than any other man, he fell under
the same public odium as his father, and others eminent among the Athenians;
for by the votes of the shells, which they call the ostracism, he was
condemned to ten years' exile. Of this proceeding the Athenians repented
sooner than himself; for after he had submitted, with great fortitude, to the
ill-feeling of his ungrateful countrymen, and the Lacedaemonians had declared
war against the Athenians, a desire for his well-known bravery immediately
ensued. In consequence, he was summoned back to his country five years after
he had been banished from it. But as he enjoyed the guest-friendship 54 of
the Lacedaemonians, he thought it better to hasten to Being sent as commander,
not long after, to IV. The Athenians long
felt regret for him, not only in war, but in time of peace; for he was a man
of such liberality, that though he had farms and gardens in several parts, he
never set a guard over them for the sake of preserving the fruit, so that
none might be hindered from enjoying his property as he pleased. Attendants
always followed him with money, that, if any one asked his assistance, he
might have something to give him immediately, lest, by putting him off, he
should appear to refuse. Frequently, when he saw a man thrown in his way by
chance 55
in a shabby dress, he gave him his own cloak. A dinner was dressed for him
daily in such abundance, that he could invite all whom he saw in the forum
uninvited; a ceremony which he did not fail to observe every day. His protection, his assistance, his pecuniary means, were
withheld from none. He enriched many; and he buried at his own cost many poor
persons, who at their death had not left sufficient for their interment. In
consequence of such conduct, it is not at all surprising that his life was
free from trouble, and his death severely felt. Lysander conquers the
Athenians, and establishes a decemvirate in the several states of Greece, I
----His cruelty to the Thracians, II.----He endeavours to dethrone the kings
of Sparta, and corrupt the various oracles; is brought to trial and
acquitted; is killed by the Thebans, III.----Was his own accuser, IV. I. LYSANDER, the
Lacedaemonian, left a high character of himself, which was gained, however,
more by good fortune |332
than by merit. That he subdued the Athenians, when they were at war with the
Lacedaemonians, in the twenty-sixth year of the contest, is certain; but how
he obtained that conquest is but little known; for it was not effected by the
valour of his own troops, but by the want of discipline among the enemy, who,
from not being obedient to the commands of their leaders, but straggling
about in the fields, and abandoning their vessels, fell into the power of
their adversaries; in consequence of which disaster the Athenians submitted to
the Lacedaemonians. Lysander, elated with this
victory, and having always before been a factious and bold man, allowed
himself such liberty, that the Lacedaemonians, through his conduct, incurred
the greatest unpopularity throughout Greece; for they having said that their
object in going to war was to humble the overbearing tyranny of the
Athenians, Lysander, after he had captured the enemy's fleet at Aegospotamos,
endeavoured after nothing so much as to keep all the states of Greece under
his authority, while he pretended that he acted thus for the sake of the
Lacedaemonians. Having every where ejected those who favoured the party of
the Athenians, he made choice of ten men in each city, on whom he conferred
supreme authority, and the control of all proceedings. Into the number of these no one was admitted who was not attached to him by
friendship, or who had not assured him, by pledging his faith, that he would
be entirely at his disposal. II. The decemviral
government being thus established in every city, everything was done
according to his pleasure. Of his cruelty and perfidy it is sufficient to
give one instance, by way of example, that we may not weary our readers by
enumerating many acts of the same individual. As he was returning in triumph
from III. The decemviral
government, which had been appointed by him, his countrymen abolished.
Incensed at this affront, he entered upon measures to remove the kings of the
Lacedaemonians; but he found that he could not effect
his object without support from the gods, because the Lacedaemonians were
accustomed to refer everything to the oracles. In the first place, therefore,
he endeavoured to corrupt Delphi, and, when he could not succeed in doing so,
he made an attempt upon IV. In this place a transaction
of Pharnabazus, the king's satrap, must not be omitted. When Lysander, as
commander of the fleet, had done many cruel and avaricious acts in the course
of the war, and suspected that reports of these proceedings had been made to
his countrymen, he asked Pharnabazus to give him a testimonial to present to
the Ephori, showing with what conscientiousnes he had carried on the war and
treated the allies, begging him to write fully concerning the matter, as his
authority on that head would be great. Pharnabazus promised him fairly, and
wrote a long and full letter,59 in
which he extolled him with the greatest praises. But when Lysander had read
and approved of it, Pharnabazus substituted, while it was being sealed,
another of the same size in its place, so like it that it could not be
distinguished from it, in which he had most circumstantially accused him of
avarice and perfidy. Lysander, accordingly, when he had returned home, and had
said what he wished before the chief magistrates, handed them, as a
testimonial, the letter which he had received from Pharnabazus. The Ephori,
after having perused it when Lysander was withdrawn, gave it to him to read.
Thus he became unawares his own accuser. Alcibiades eminent both in
his virtues and vices, I.----His education,
II.----He commands in the expedition against Syracuse; is suspected of
profaning the mysteries, and of conspiring against the government, III.----Is
recalled home, but flees, and attaches himself to the Lacedaemonians,
IV.----Falling under suspicion among them, he flees to the Persians, and is
afterwards reconciled to his countrymen, V.----His enthusiastic reception at
Athens, VI. ----He again becomes unpopular there; his successes in I. ALCIBIADES. the son of Clinias, was a native of II. He was brought up in
the house of Pericles (for he is said to have been his step-son),62
and was. taught by Socrates. For his father-in-law
he had Hipponicus, the richest man of all that spoke the Greek language; so
that, even if he had contrived for himself, he could neither have thought of
more advantages, nor have secured greater, than those which fortune or nature
had bestowed upon him. At his entrance on manhood he was beloved by many,
after the manner of the Greeks, and among them by Socrates, whom Plato
mentions in his Symposium; for he introduces Alcibiades, saying that "he
had passed the night with Socrates, and had not risen up from him otherwise
than a son should rise from a father." When he was of maturer age, he had
himself no fewer objects |336
of affection, his intercourse with whom, as far as was possible, he did many
acts of an objectionable character, in a delicate and agreeable manner; which
acts we would relate, had we not other things to tell of a higher and better
nature. III. In the Peloponnesian
war, the Athenians, by his advice and persuasion, declared war against the
Syracusans, to conduct which he himself was chosen general. Two colleagues
were besides assigned him, Nicias and Lamachus. While the expedition was in
preparation, and before the fleet sailed, it happened one night that all the
statues of Mercury 63
that were in the city of Athens were thrown down, except one, which was
before the gate of Andocides, and which, in consequence, was afterwards
generally called the Mercury of Andocides.64 As
it appeared that this could not have been done without a strong confederacy of
many persons, since it had respect not to a private but to a public matter,65
great dread was excited among the multitude, lest some sudden tumult should
arise in the city to destroy the people's liberty. The suspicion of this
seemed chiefly to attach to Alcibiades, because he was considered both more
influential, and of higher standing, than any private person; for he had
secured many adherents by his generosity, and had made still more his friends
by assisting them in legal proceedings. Hence it happened,
that as often as he appeared in public, he drew the eyes of all people upon
him; nor was any man in the whole city thought equal to him. They accordingly
had not only the greatest hope of him, but also the greatest fear, because he
was able to do much harm as well as much good. He was sullied also by ill
report, for it was said that he celebrated the mysteries 66 in
his |337 own house, a practice
which, according to public opinion among the Athenians, was regarded as
impious; and this matter was thought to have reference, not to religion, but
to a conspiracy.67
IV. Of this crime he was
accused by his enemies in a public assembly of the people. But the time for
him to set out to the war was drawing near; and he considering this, and
being aware of the habit 68 of
his countrymen, requested that, if they wished anything to be done concerning
him, an examination should rather be held upon him while he was pre sent,
than that he should be accused in his absence of a crime against which there
was a strong public feeling.69
But his enemies resolved to continue quiet for the present, because they were
aware that no hurt could then be done him, and to wait for the time when he
should have gone abroad, that they might thus attack him while he was absent.
They accordingly did so; for after they supposed that he had reached V. Yet by these
proceedings they were not so much rendered friends to Alcibiades, as
alienated from him by fear; for when they saw the singular intelligence of
this most active-minded man in every way, they were afraid that, being moved
by love for his country, he might at some time revolt from them, and return
into favour with his countrymen. They therefore determined to seek an
opportunity for killing him. But this determination could not long be
concealed from Alcibiades; for he was a man of such sagacity that he could
not be deceived, especially when he turned his attention to putting himself
on his guard. He in consequence betook himself to Tissaphernes, a satrap of
King Darius; and having gained a way to an intimate friendship with him, and
seeing that the power of the Athenians, from the ill success of their
attempts in Sicily, was on the decline, while that of the Lacedaemonians, on
the other hand, was increasing, he first of all conferred, through
messengers, with Pisander the Athenian commander, who had a force at Samos,
and made some mention concerning his return; for Pisander, with the same
feelings as Alcibiades, was no friend to the power of the people, but a
favourer of the aristocracy. Though deserted by him,71 he
was received at first, through the agency of Thrasybulus the son of Lycus, by
the army, and made commander at Samos; and afterwards, from Theramenes making
interest for him, he was recalled by a decree of the people, and, while still
absent, was appointed to equal command with |339
Thrasybulus and Theramenes. Under the influence of these leaders, so great a
change in affairs took place, that the Lacedaemonians, who had just before
flourished as conquerors, were struck with fear and sued for peace; for they
had been defeated in five battles by land, and three by sea, in which they
had lost two hundred triremes, that had been captured and had fallen into the
possession of their enemies. Alcibiades, with his colleagues, had recovered
Ionia, the Hellespont, and many Greek cities besides, situated on the coast
of Asia, of which they had taken several by storm, and among them VI. The whole city having
gone down to the Piraeeus to meet them, there was such a longing among them
all to see Alcibiades, that the multitude flocked to his galley as if he had
come alone; for the people were fully persuaded of this, that both their
former ill success, and their present good fortune, had happened through his means.
They therefore attributed the loss of VII. This happiness of
Alcibiades proved by no means lasting; for after all manner of honours had
been decreed him, and the whole management of the state, both at home and in
the field, had been committed to him, to be regulated at his sole pleasure,
and he had requested that two colleagues, Thrasybulus and Adimantus, should
be assigned him (a request which was not refused), proceeding with the fleet
to Asia, he fell again under the displeasure of his countrymen, because he
did not manage affairs at Cyme 72 to
their wish; for they thought that he could do every thing. Hence it happened
that they imputed whatever was done unsuccessfully to his misconduct, saying
that he acted either carelessly or treacherously, as it fell out on this
occasion, for they alleged that he would not take Cyme, because he had been
bribed by the king. We consider, therefore, that their extravagant opinion of
his abilities and valour was his chief misfortune; since he was dreaded no
less than he was loved, lest, elated by good fortune and great power, he
should conceive a desire to become a tyrant. From these feelings it resulted,
that they took his commission from him in his absence, and put another
commander in his place. When he heard of this proceeding, he would not return
home, but betook himself to Pactye,73
and there established three fortresses, Borni, Bisanthe, and Neontichos, and
having collected a body of troops, was the first man of any Grecian state 74
that penetrated into Thrace, thinking it more glorious to enrich himself with
spoils from barbarians than from Greeks. In consequence his fame |341 increased with his power, and he
secured to himself a strong alliance with some of the kings of VIII. Yet he could not
give up his affection for his country; for when Philocles, the commander of
the Athenians, had stationed his fleet at Aegospotamos, and Lysander, the
captain of the Lacedaemonians (who was intent upon protracting the war as
long as possible, because money was supplied to the Lacedaemonians by the
king, while to the exhausted Athenians, on the other hand, nothing was left
but their arms and their ships) was not far distant, Alcibiades came to the
army of the Athenians, and there, in the presence of the common soldiers,
began to assert,75
that "if they pleased, he would force Lysander either to fight or beg
peace; that the Lacedaemonians were unwilling to engage by sea, because they
were stronger in land-forces than in ships; but that it would be easy for him
to bring down Seuthes, king of the Thracians, to drive them from the land,
and that, when this was done, they would of necessity either come to an engagement
with their fleet, or put an end to the war." Philocles, though he saw
that this statement was true, would not yet do what was desired, for he knew
that he himself, if Alcibiades were restored to the command, would be of no
account with the army; and that, if any success resulted, his share in the
matter would amount to nothing, while, on the other hand, if any ill-fortune
occurred, he alone would be called to account for the miscarriage.
Alcibiades, on taking leave of him, said, "As you hinder your country's
success, I advise you to keep your sailors' camp near the enemy; for there is
danger that, through the insubordination of our men, an opportunity may be
afforded to Lysander of cutting off our army." Nor did his apprehension
deceive him; for Lysander, having learned from his scouts that the body of
the Athenian force was gone on shore to seek for plunder, and that the ships
were left almost empty, did not neglect the opportunity of making an attack,
and by that single effort put an end to the whole war. IX. Alcibiades, after the
Athenians were defeated, not thinking those parts sufficiently safe for him,
concealed himself in the inland parts of Thrace above the Propontis, trusting
that his wealth would most easily escape notice there, But he was disappointed;
for the Thracians, when |342 they
learned that he had come with a great sum of money, formed a plot against
him, and robbed him of what he had brought, but were unable to secure his
person. Perceiving that no place was safe for him in Greece, on account of
the power of the Lacedemonians, he went over into Asia to Pharnabazus, whom
he so charmed, indeed, by his courtesy, that no man had a higher place in his
favour; for he gave him Grunium, a strong-hold in Phrygia, from which he
annually received fifty talents' revenue. But with this good fortune
Alcibiades was not content, not could endure that X. While he was trying to
effect this object, and entreating Pharnabazus that he might be sent to the
king, Critias, and the other tyrants of the Athenians, despatched at the same
time persons in their confidence into Asia to Lysander, to acquaint him,
that, "unless he cut off Alcibiades, none of those arrangements which he
had made at Athens would stand; and therefore, if he wished his acts to
remain unaltered, he must pursue him to death." The Lacedaemonian,
roused by this message, concluded that he must act in a more decided manner
with Pharnabazus. He therefore announced to him, that "the relations which the king had formed with the Lacedaemonians would be
of no effect, unless he delivered up Alcibiades alive or dead." The
satrap could not withstand this menace, and chose rather to violate the
claims of humanity than that the king's interest should suffer. He
accordingly sent Sysamithres and Bagaeus to kill Alcibiades, while he was
still in A woman, who had been
accustomed to live with him, burned his dead body, covered with her own
female garments, in the fire of the house which had been prepared to burn him
alive. Thus Alcibiades, at the age of about forty, came to his end. XI. This man, defamed by
most writers, three historians of very high authority have extolled with the
greatest praises; Thucydides, who was of the same age with him; Theopompus,
who was born some time after; and Timaeus; the two latter, though much addicted
to censure, have, I know not how, concurred in praising him only; for they
have related of him what we have stated above, and this besides, that though
he was born in Athens, the most splendid of cities, he surpassed all the
Athenians in grandeur and magnificence of living; that when, on being
banished from thence, he went to Thebes, he so devoted himself to the
pursuits of the Thebans, that no man could match him in laborious exercises
and vigour of body, for all the Botians cultivate corporeal strength more
than mental power; that when he was among the Lacedaemonians, in whose
estimation the highest virtue is placed in endurance, he so resigned himself
to a hardy way of life, that he surpassed all the Lacedaemonians in the
frugality of his diet and living; that when he was among the Thracians, who
are hard drinkers and given to lewdness, he surpassed them also in |344 these practices; that when he came
among the Persians, with whom it was the chief praise to hunt hard and live
high, he so imitated their mode of life, that they themselves greatly admired
him in these respects; and that by such conduct, he occasioned that, with
whatever people he was, he was regarded as a leading man, and held in the
utmost esteem. But we have said enough of him; let us proceed to speak of
others. Character of Thrasybulus;
he proceeds to deliver his country from the Thirty Tyrants, I.----His success
and conduct in the enterprise, II.----His act of oblivion, III.----He is
honoured with an olive crown; is killed on the coast of Sicily, IV. I. THRASYBULUS, the son of
Lycus, was a native of First of all, in the
Peloponnesian war, he accomplished many undertakings without Alcibiades,
while Alcibiades did nothing without him; of all which successes Alcibiades,
from certain natural advantages, got the credit. All such actions, however,
are common to commanders with their soldiers and with fortune; for, in the
shock of battle, the issue is transferred from generalship to the strength
and fury of the combatants. The soldier, therefore, of his own right, takes
something from the general, and fortune a great
deal, and may truly say that she has had more influence on the event than the
skill of the commander. This most noble action, then, is entirely
Thrasybulus's; for when the Thirty Tyrants, appointed by the Lacedaemonians,
kept Athens oppressed in a state of slavery, and had partly banished from
their country, and partly put to death, a great number of the citizens whom |345 fortune had spared in the war, and had
divided their confiscated property among themselves, he was not only the
first, but the only man at the commencement, to declare war against them. II. When he fled to Phyle,
which is a very strong fortress in Attica, he had not more than thirty of his
countrymen with him; such was the origin of the deliverance of the Athenians,
such the dependence of the liberty of that most famous city. He was at first,
indeed, despised by the tyrants, as well as the small number of his
followers; which circumstance proved both the ruin of those that despised
him, and the security of him that was despised, for it rendered the one party
slow to attack, and the other stronger by giving them time for preparation.
The maxim, therefore, that "nothing should be despised in war,"
ought the more deeply to be fixed in the minds of all; and we should remember
that it is not said without reason, that "the mother of a cautious
person78
is not accustomed to weep." The force of Thrasybulus, however, was not
increased in proportion to his expectations; for even in those times good men
spoke for liberty with more spirit than they fought for it. Hence he went to the
Piraeeus, and fortified the Munychia,79
which the tyrants twice attempted to storm, but being disgracefully repulsed,
and having lost their arms and baggage, they immediately fled back to the city.
Thrasybulus, on this occasion, exercised not less prudence than valour; for
he forbade those that fled to be injured, thinking it just that
"countrymen should spare countrymen;" nor was any one wounded
except such as would attack him first. He spoiled no one, as he lay, of his
clothes; he laid hands on nothing but arms, of which he was in want, and
provisions.80
In the second battle Critias, the leader of the tyrants, was killed, |346 after having, indeed, fought with great
bravery against Thrasybulus. III. Critias being
overthrown, Pausanias, king of the Lacedaemonians, came to the support of the
Athenians. He made peace between Thrasybulus and those who held the town, on
these conditions: "That none should be banished except the Thirty
Tyrants, and the Ten, who, having been afterwards made governors, had
followed the example of their predecessors in cruelty; 81 that
no property should be confiscated; and that the government of the republic
should be restored to the hands of the people." It was an honourable act
of Thrasybulus, that, when peace was settled, and he had become the most
powerful person in the state, he made a law, "that no one should be
brought to trial, or punished, for things done previously;" and this
they called "the act of oblivion." Nor did he only cause this law
to be passed, but also took care that it should be of effect; for when some
of them who had been with him in exile, wished to put to death those with
whom they had returned to a good understanding, he openly prevented it, and
adhered to what he had promised. IV. For such merits a
crown of honour was presented him by the people, made of two sprigs of olive,
which, as the love of his countrymen and not force, had procured it him,
excited no envy, but was a great glory to him. The celebrated Pittacus,
therefore, who was reckoned in the number of the seven wise men, said well,
when the Mitylenaeans offered to give him several thousand acres 82 of
land, "Do not, I beseech you, give me what many may envy and more may
covet; for which reason I had rather take, out of that number, not more than
a hundred acres, which will prove both the moderation of my desires and your
good will." For small gifts are lasting; but valuable presents are not
wont to be permanent. 83
Thrasybulus, accordingly, being content with |347
that crown, neither sought for anything more, nor considered that any one had
surpassed him in honour. Some time after, when, being
in command, he had brought up his fleet on the coast of Cilicia, and the
watch in his camp was not kept with sufficient care, he was killed in his
tent by the barbarians, in a sally made from the town 84
during the night. Conon's services in the
Peloponnesian war, I.----In his exile he supports Pharnabazus against the
Spartans, II.----He goes to Artaxerxes to accuse Tissaphernes, and treats
with him by letter, III.----He defeats the Lacedaemonians at Cnidus; Greece
is set free, and the walls of Athens rebuilt, IV.----Conon made prisoner by
Tiribazus, V. I. CONON the Athenian
entered upon public life in the Peloponnesian war, and his service in it was
of great value; for he was both general of the forces by land, and, as
commander of the fleet, performed great exploits by sea; for these reasons
particular honour was conferred upon him, for he had the sole authority over
all the islands; in which office he took Pherae, a colony of the
Lacedaemonians. He was also commander towards the end of the Peloponnesian
war, when the forces of the Athenians were defeated by Lysander at
Aegospotamos; but he was then absent; and hence the affair was worse managed;
for he was both skilled in military matters, and a careful general. It was
doubted by nobody, therefore, in those days, that the Athenians, if he had
been present, would not have met with that disaster. II. But when the affairs
of the Athenians were in a calamitous condition, and he heard that his native
city was besieged, he did not seek a place where he might himself live in
security, but one from which he might render assistance to his countrymen. He
in consequence betook himself to Pharnabazus, the satrap of Ionia and Lydia,
and also a son-in-law |348
and relative of the king, with whom, by much exertion and at great hazard, he
contrived to procure himself strong personal influence; 85
for when the Lacedaemonians, after the Athenians were subdued, did not adhere
to the alliance which they had made with Artaxerxes, but sent Agesilaus into
Asia to make war (being chiefly induced to that course by Tissaphernes, 86
who, from being one of the king's confidants, had renounced his attachment to
him, and entered into an alliance with the Lacedaemonians), Pharnabazus was
regarded as general against Agesilaus, but Conon in reality led the army, and
everything was done according to his direction. He greatly obstructed that
eminent commander Agesilaus, and often thwarted his plans. It was indeed
apparent, that, if Conon had not been there, Agesilaus would have taken all
Asia, as far as III. Tissaphernes had
revolted from the king; yet his defection was not so evident to Artaxerxes as
to others; for he had great influence with the king, by reason of his
numerous and important services, even when he did not strictly adhere to his
duty; nor is it to be wondered at, if he was not easily induced to credit it,
remembering that by his means he had overcome his brother Cyrus. Conon, being
sent by Pharnabazus to the king to assure him of his guilt, went in the first
place, on his arrival (after the manner of the Persians), to Tithraustes, the
captain of the guard,87
who held the second place in the empire, and signified that he wished to
speak to |349 the king; for no one is
admitted without this ceremony.88
Tithraustes answered him, "There is no objection on my part, but
consider, for yourself, whether you had rather speak
with him, or treat by letter, as to the objects which you have in view. For,
if you come into the royal presence, it will be necessary for you to pay
adoration to the king" (which the Greeks call proskunei=n):
"if this is disagreeable to you, you may nevertheless effect what you
desire by stating your commission through me." Conon then replied,
"To myself indeed, it is not disagreeable to pay any honour you please
to the king, but I am afraid lest it should be derogatory to my country, if,
coming from a city which has been accustomed to rule over other nations, I
should observe the usages of foreigners rather than its own." He
therefore delivered to him in writing what he wished to communicate. IV. The king, having read
his statement, was so much influenced by his authority, that he declared
Tissaphernes an enemy, desired Conon to harass the Lacedemonians with war,
and gave him leave to choose whom be pleased to disburse the money for his
army. Conon said that such a choice was not a matter for his consideration,
but for the king's own, who ought to know his own subjects best; but that he
recommended him to give that commission to Pharnabazus. He was then
despatched, after being honoured with valuable presents, to the sea, to
require the Cyprians, Phoenicians, and other maritime people, to furnish
ships of war, and to prepare a fleet to secure the sea in the following
summer, Pharnabazus, as he had requested, being appointed his colleague. When
this arrangement was made known to the Lacedaemonians, they took their
measures with great care, for they thought that a greater war threatened them
than if they had to contend with the Persians only. They saw that a brave and
skilful general was going to lead the king's forces, and to take the field
against them, a man whom they could overmatch neither by stratagem nor by
strength. With these considerations they collected a great fleet, and set
sail under the leadership of Pisander. Conon, attacking them near Cnidus,
routed them in a great battle, took several of their ships, and sunk several more,
a victory by which not only Athens, but also all Greece, which had been |350 under the power of the Lacedaemonians,
was set free. Conon proceeded with part of his fleet to his native city, and
caused the walls of the Piraeeus and of Athens, both of which had been pulled
down, to be rebuilt, and presented to his countrymen fifty talents in money,
which he had received from Pharnabazus. V. What happens to other
men happened to him, that he was more inconsiderate in good than in bad
fortune; for when he had defeated the fleet of the Peloponnesians, and
thought that he had avenged the injuries done to his country, he aimed at
more objects than he was in a condition to accomplish. Not that these aims,
however, were not patriotic and deserving of praise, since he preferred that
the power of his country should be increased, rather than that of the king;
for, after he had secured himself great influence by the battle which he
fought at Cnidus, not only among foreigners but in all the states of Greece,
he began to endeavour secretly 89 to
restore Ionia and Aeolia to the Athenians. But as this proiect was not
concealed with sufficient care, Tiribazus, who was governor of Sardis, sent
for Conon, on pretence that he wished to send him in great haste to the king;
when he had gone, in compliance with this message, he was placed in
confinement, in which he was kept for some time. Some have left on record
that he was conveyed to the king, and there died. On the other hand Dinon 90
the historian, whom we chiefly credit concerning Persian affairs, has related
that he made his escape, but is in doubt whether it was effected with or without
the knowledge of Tiribazus. |351
Dion's family; is
connected with the two Dionysii, I. DION, the son of
Hipparinus, a native of Syracuse, was of a noble family, and allied to both
the Dionysii, the tyrants 91 of
Sicily; for the elder married Aristomache, Dion's sister, by whom he had two
sons, Hipparinus and Nysaeus, and also two daughters named Sophrosyne and
Arete, the elder of whom he gave in marriage to his son Dionysius,92 to
whom he also left his dominions, and the other, Arete, to Dion.93 But Dion, besides this
noble connexion, and the honourable character of his ancestors, inherited
many other advantages from nature; among them, a disposition docile,
courteous, and adapted for acquiring the most important branches of
knowledge, and extreme grace of person, which is no small recommendation;94 he
had also great wealth bequeathed him by his father, which he himself had augmented
by the presents he received from the tyrant. He was familiar with the elder
Dionysius, not less on account of his character than his relationship; for
though the cruelty of Dionysius offended him, yet he was desirous that he
should be secure because of his family connexion with himself, and still more
for the sake |352 of his own relatives.95 He
aided him in important matters, and the tyrant was greatly influenced by his
advice, unless, in any case, some violent humour of his own interposed. But
embassies,96
such at least as were of a more distinguished kind, were all conducted by
Dion; and by discharging them assiduously, and managing faithfully, he
palliated the most cruel name of tyrant with his own benevolence. The
Carthaginians so much respected him, when he was sent thither by Dionysius,
that they never regarded any man that spoke the Greek tongue with more
admiration. II. Nor did these
circumstances escape the notice of Dionysius, for he was sensible how great
an honour he was to him; hence it happened that he showed him more favour
than any other person,97
and loved him not less than a son. When a report reached In the meantime Dionysius
fell ill of some disease, and when he was labouring under the severity of it,
Dion inquired of the physicians "how he was," and begged them, at
the same time, "if he should happen to be in extreme danger, to acquaint
him of it; for he wished to speak to him about a division of the |353 realm, as he thought that the sons of
his sister by him ought to have a share in the dominions." This request
the physicians did not keep secret, but reported the words to Dionysius the
younger, who, taking alarm at it, compelled the physicians to give his father
a sleeping potion, that Dion might have no opportunity of addressing him. The
sick man, having taken the draught, ended his life like one buried in deep
sleep. III. Such was the
commencement of the dissension between Dion and Dionysius; and it was
increased by many circumstances; yet in the beginning of his reign there
subsisted for a time an assumed friendship between them; and as Dion
persisted in soliciting Dionysius to send for Plato from Athens, and follow
his counsels, he, who was willing to imitate his father in something,
complied with his wishes. At the same time, also, he brought back Philistus
the historian to IV. Being conscious that
he was surpassed by Dion in ability, influence, and in the affection of the
people, and fearing that, if he kept Dion with him, he might give him some
opportunity of overthrowing him, he gave him a trireme to sail to Corinth,
declaring that he did so for both their sakes, lest, as they were afraid of
each other, one of them might take the other by surprise. As many people were
indignant at this proceeding, and as it was the cause of great hatred to the
tyrant, Dionysius put on board some vessels all the property of Dion that
could be removed, and sent it after him; for he wished it to be thought that
he had adopted that course, not from hatred of the man, but for the sake of
his own safety. But when he heard that Dion was levying troops in the
Peloponnesus, and endeavouring to raise a war against him, he gave Arete,
Dion's wife, in marriage to another man, and caused his son to be brought up
in such a manner, that he might, through indulgence, be imbued with the most
disgraceful |354 propensities; for mistresses
were brought him when but a boy, before he was full grown; he was overwhelmed
with wine and luxuries, nor was any time allowed him to be sober. He was so
little able to bear such a change in his way of life, which was altered after
his father returned to his country (for keepers were set over him to draw him
from his former mode of living), that he threw himself from the top of a
house and so perished. But I return to the point from whence I digressed. V. When Dion had arrived
at Corinth, and Heraclides, who had been commander of the cavalry, had also
come thither (having been likewise banished by Dionysius), they began to
prepare for war in every possible way; but they made but little progress; for
a tyranny of many years' standing was thought to be of great strength, and
for that reason few were induced to join in so perilous an undertaking. But
Dion, who trusted not so much to his troops as to the general hatred towards
the tyrant, setting out, with the greatest courage, in two transport vessels,
to attack a power of fifty years' growth, defended by five hundred ships of
war, ten thousand cavalry, and a hundred thousand infantry, so easily made an
impression upon it (what seemed wonderful to all people), that he entered
Syracuse the third day after he touched the coast of Sicily. Hence it may be
understood that no government is safe, unless guarded by the love of its
subjects. Dionysius at that time was absent, and waiting for his fleet in
Italy, supposing that none of his enemies would come against him without a
great force; a supposition which deceived him; for Dion curbed the tyrant's
pride with those very men that had been under the rule of his adversary, and
gained possession of all that part of Sicily which had been under the
government of Dionysius; and with like success he secured the city of
Syracuse, except the citadel and the island adjoining the town, and brought
matters to such a state, that the tyrant consented to make peace on such
terms as these: that Dion should have Sicily, Dionysius Italy,100
and Apollocrates, in whom alone Dionysius 101
had great confidence, Syracuse. |355
VI. A sudden change
followed close upon such eminent and unexpected success, for fortune, through
her fickleness, endeavoured to sink him whom she had just before exalted. In
the first place she exercised her power over his son, of whom I have
previously made mention; for after he had taken back his wife, who had been
given to another, and wished to recall his son, from his abandoned course of
sensuality, to habits of virtue, he received, as a father, a most severe
affliction in the death of that son. A disagreement next arose between him
and Heraclides, who, refusing to yield the supremacy to Dion, organized a
party against him; nor had he indeed less influence than Dion among the
aristocracy, with whose sanction he commanded the fleet, while Dion had the
direction of the land forces. Dion could not endure this opposition
patiently, but retorted with that verse of Homer in the second book of the
Iliad,102
in which is this sentiment, "That a state cannot be managed well by the
government of many." Much ill feeling, on the part of the people,
followed this remark; for he appeared to have let it escape him that he
wished everything to be under his own authority. This feeling he did not try
to soften by conciliation, but to overcome by severity, and caused
Heraclides, when he came to VII. This act struck
extreme terror into every one; for nobody, after Heraclides was killed,
considered himself safe. Dion, when his adversary was
removed, distributed among his soldiers, with greater freedom, the property
of those whom he knew to have been unfavourable to him. But after this
division had taken place, money, as his daily expenses grew very great, began
to fail him; nor was there anything on which he could lay his hands but the
property of his friends; a circumstance which was attended with this effect,
that while he gained the soldiery, he lost the aristocracy. At this state of
things he was overcome with anxiety, and, being unaccustomed to be ill spoken
of, he could not patiently endure that a bad opinion of him should be
entertained by those by whose praises he had just before been extolled to the
skies. |356 The common people,
however, when the feelings of the soldiers were rendered unfavourable towards
him,103
spoke with less restraint, and said that "he was a tyrant not to be
endured." VIII. While he knew not,
as he contemplated this state of things, how he should put a stop to it, and
was apprehensive as to what it might end in, a certain Callicrates, a citizen
of Athens, who had accompanied him from the Peloponnesus to Sicily, a man of
address, subtle enough for any artifice, and without any regard for religion
or honour, went to him, and told him that "he was in great danger on
account of the disaffection of the people and the hostile feelings of the
soldiers; which danger he could by no means escape, unless he commissioned
some one of his friends to pretend that he was an enemy to him; and that, if
he found him fit for the undertaking, he would learn the feelings of every
one, and cut off his enemies, as his opponents would readily disclose their
thoughts to any one disaffected towards him." This suggestion being
approved, Callicrates himself undertook this part, and armed himself through
the unsuspiciousness of Dion; he sought for accomplices to join in killing
him; he held meetings with his enemies, and formed an actual conspiracy
against him. But these proceedings, as many were privy to what was going on,
became known, and were communicated to Aristomache, Dion's sister, and his
wife Arete; who, being struck with alarm, sought an interview with him for
whose danger they were concerned. Dion assured them that no plot was
concerted against him by Callicrates, but that what was done,
was done by his own directions. The women, notwithstanding, took Callicrates
into the IX. With this resolution,
on the next festival day, while Dion was keeping himself at home, secluded
from the assembly |357
of the people, and was reposing in an upper room,104
he committed to his accomplices the stronger parts of the city, surrounded
Dion's house with guards, and stationed trusty persons at the door, who were
not to leave it; he also manned a trireme with an armed force, entrusted it
to his brother Philocrates, and gave directions that it should be rowed about
in the harbour, as if he wished to exercise the rowers, with a view, if
fortune should baffle his attempts, to have a vessel in which he might flee
to a place of safety. He then chose from among his followers some young men
of Zacynthus, of great courage and extraordinary strength, whom he ordered to
go to Dion's house unarmed, so that they might seem to have come for the sake
of speaking with him. These youths, as being well known, were admitted, but
as soon as they had crossed the threshold, they bolted the door, seized him
as he lay on his couch, and bound him. A great noise ensued, so that it was
distinctly heard out of doors. And here it was easy to be understood, as has
often been said before, how unpopular absolute power is, and how unhappy the
life of those who had rather be feared than loved; for those very guards,105
if they had been favourably inclined towards him, might have saved him by
breaking open the door, as the Zacynthians, who were unarmed, were holding
him still alive, calling to those without for a weapon. Nobody coming to his
rescue, one Lyco, a Syracusan, gave them a sword through the window, with
which Dion was slain. X. When the murder was
consummated, and the people came in to view the scene, some were killed as
guilty by those who were ignorant of the real actors; for a report being soon
spread abroad that violence had been offered to Dion, many, to whom such a
deed was detestable, ran together to the spot; and these persons, prompted by
a false suspicion, killed the |358
innocent as if they had been the delinquents. But as soon as his death became
publicly known, the feeling of the populace was wonderfully altered, for
those who had called him a tyrant while he was alive, called him now the
deliverer of his country and the expeller of a tyrant. So suddenly
had pity succeeded to hatred, that they wished to
redeem him from Acheron, if they could, with their own blood. He was
therefore honoured with a sepulchral monument in the city, in the most
frequented part of it, after having been interred at the public expense. He
died at the age of about fifty-five years, four years after he had returned
from the Peloponnesus into Iphicrates eminent for
skill in military discipline, I.----His acts in Thrace, at Corinth, against
the Lacedaemonians, in Egypt, and against Epaminondas, II.----His abilities
and character, III. I. IPHICRATES of Athens
has become renowned, not so much for the greatness of his exploits, as for
his knowledge of military tactics; for he was such a leader, that he was not
only comparable to the first commanders of his own time, but no one even of
the older generals could be set above him. He was much engaged in the field;
he often had. the command of armies; he never miscarried in an undertaking by
his own fault; he was always eminent for invention, and such was his
excellence in it, that he not only introduced much that was new into the
military art, but made many improvements in what existed before. He altered
the arms of the infantry; for whereas, before he became a commander, they
used very large shields, short spears, and small swords, he, on the contrary,
introduced the pelta instead of the parma 106
(from which the infantry were afterwards called peltastae), that they
might be more active in movements and encounters; he doubled the length of
the spear, and made the swords also longer. He likewise changed the character
of their cuirasses, and gave them linen ones instead of those of chain-mail
and brass; a change by which he rendered the soldiers more active; for, |359 diminishing the weight, he provided
what would equally protect the body, and be light. II. He made war upon the
Thracians, and restored Seuthes, the ally of the Athenians, to his throne. At
Corinth 107
he commanded the army with so much strictness, that no troops in Greece were
ever better disciplined, or more obedient to the orders of their leader; and
he brought them to such a habit, that when the signal for battle was given
them by their general, they would stand so regularly drawn up, without any
trouble on the part of the commander, that they seemed to have been severally
posted by the most skilful captain. With this army he cut off a mora 108
of the Lacedaemonians; an exploit which was highly celebrated through all Artaxerxes, when he had
resolved to make war upon the king of Egypt, 109
asked the Athenians to allow Iphicrates to be his general, that he might
place him at the head of his army of mercenaries, the number of whom was
twelve thousand. This force he so instructed in all military discipline, that
as certain Roman soldiers were formerly called Fabians,110
so the Iphicrateans were in the highest repute among the Greeks. Going afterwards to the
relief of the Lacedaemonians, he |360
checked the efforts of Epaminondas; for, had not he been drawing near,111
the Thebans would not have retreated from III. He was a man of large
mind and large body, and of an appearance indicating the commander so that by
his very look he inspired every one with admiration of him. But in action he
was too remiss, and too impatient of continued exertion, as Theopompus has
recorded. Yet he was a good citizen, and a person of very honourable
feelings, as he showed, not only in other transactions, but also in
protecting the children of Amyntas 112
the Macedonian; for Eurydice, the mother of Perdiccas and Philip, fled with
these two boys, after the death of Amyntas, to Iphicrates, and was secure
under his power. He lived to a good old age, with the feelings of his
countrymen well affected towards him. He was once brought to
trial for his life, at the time of the Social war, 113
together with Timotheus, and was acquitted. He left a son named
Menestheus, whom he had by a Thracian woman, the daughter of King Cotys. When
this son was asked whether he had more regard for his father or his mother,
he replied, "For his mother." As this answer appeared strange to
all who heard it, he added, "I do so with justice; for my father, as far
as was in his power, made me a Thracian, but my mother, as far as she could,
made me an Athenian." |361
Chabrias becomes
celebrated for a new mode of fighting, I.----His acts in Egypt and Cyprus;
his command of the Egyptian fleet, II.----His recal; he lived but little at
home in consequence of the envious feelings of his countrymen, III.----He is
killed in the Social war, IV. I. CHABRIAS the Athenian
was also numbered among the most eminent generals, and performed many acts
worthy or record. But of these the most famous is his manoeuvre in the battle
which he fought near Thebes, when he had gone to the relief of the Boeotians;
for in that engagement, when the great general Agesilaus felt sure of
victory, and the mercenary troops had been put to flight by him, Chabrias
forbade the rest of his phalanx 114
to quit their ground, and instructed them to receive the attack of the enemy
with the knee placed firmly against the shield, and the spear stretched out.
Agesilaus, observing this new plan, did not dare to advance, and called off
his men, as they were rushing forward, with sound of trumpet. This device was
so extolled by fame throughout Greece, that Chabrias chose to have the statue,
which was erected to him at the public charge by the Athenians in the forum,
made in that posture. Hence it happened that wrestlers, and other candidates
for public applause,115
adopted, in the erection of their statues, those postures in which they had
gained a victory. II. Chabrias also, when he
was general of the Athenians, carried on many wars in Europe; and he engaged in
one in Egypt of his own accord; for setting out to assist Nectanabis, 116
he secured him the throne. He performed a similar exploit
in In the meantime a war
broke out between the Egyptians and Persians, when the Athenians formed an
alliance with |362 Artaxerxes, and the
Lacedaemonians with the Egyptians, from whom their king Agesilaus received a
large share of spoil.117
Chabrias, seeing Agesilaus's good fortune, and thinking himself in no respect
inferior to him, set out to assist them of his own accord, and took the
command of the Egyptian fleet, while Agesilaus held that of the land forces. III. In consequence, the
officers of the king of IV. Chabrias lost his life
in the Social war,118
in the following manner. The Athenians were besieging Chios; Chabrias was on
board the fleet as a private man, but had more influence than all who were in
command; and the soldiers looked up to him more than to those who were over
them. This circumstance hastened his death; for while he was anxious to be
the first to enter the harbour, and ordered the captain to steer the vessel
towards it, he was the occasion of his own death, since, after he had made
his way into it, the other ships did not follow. Upon which, being surrounded
by a body of the enemy, his ship, while he was fighting with the utmost bravery,
was struck with the beak of one of the enemy's vessels, and began to sink.
Though he might have escaped from the danger, if he had cast himself into the
sea, for the fleet of the Athenians was at hand to take him up as he swam, he
chose rather to die, than to throw away his arms and abandon the vessel in
which he had sailed. The others would not act in a similar manner, but gained
a place of safety by swimming. He, on the other hand, thinking an honourable
death preferable to a dishonourable life, was killed with the weapons of the
enemy, while he was fighting hand to hand with them. The merits and acts of
Timotheus, I.----A statue erected to him on his victory over the
Lacedaemonians, II.----Is appointed, at an advanced age, as an adviser to
Menestheus; is accused by Chares, and condemned, III.----His son Conon
obliged to repair the walls of Athens; attachment of Jason to Timotheus, IV. I. TIMOTHEUS, the son of
Conon, a native of Athens, increased the glory which he inherited from his
father by many excellent qualities of his own; for he was eloquent, active,
persevering, skilled in military affairs, and not less so in managing those
of the state. Many honourable actions of his are recorded, the following are
the most famous. He subdued the Olynthians and Byzantians by force of arms;
he took II. Being made commander
of the fleet, and sailing round the Peloponnesus, he laid waste III. When he was at an
advanced age, and had ceased to hold any office, the Athenians began to be
pressed with war on every side. Samos had revolted; the Hellespont 126
had deserted them; Philip of Macedon, then very powerful, was making many
efforts; and in Chares,127
who had been opposed to him, there was not thought to be sufficient defence.
Menestheus, the son of Iphicrates, and son-in-law of Timotheus, was in
consequence made commander, and a decree was passed
that he should proceed to take the management of the war. These two persons,
his father and father-in-law, men eminent in experience and wisdom, were
appointed to give him advice,128
for there was such force of character in them, that great hopes were
entertained that what had been lost might be recovered by their means. When
they had set out for Samos; and Chares, having heard of their approach, was
also proceeding thither with his force, lest anything should appear to be
done in his absence, it happened that, as they drew near the island, a great
storm arose, which the two veteran commanders, thinking it expedient to
avoid, checked the progress of their fleet.129
But Chares, taking a rash course, would not submit to the advice of his
elders, but, as if success depended on his own vessel, pushed his way for the
point to which he had been steering, and sent orders to Timotheus and
Iphicrates to follow him thither. But having subsequently mis-managed the
affair, and lost several ships, he returned to the same place 130
from which he had come, and despatched a letter to the government at Athens,
saying that it would have been easy for him to take Samos, if |366 he had not been left unsupported by
Timotheus and Iphicrates. On this charge they were impeached. The people,
violent, suspicious, fickle, and unfavourable to them, recalled them home;
and they were brought to trial for treason. On this charge Timotheus was
found guilty, and his fine was fixed at a hundred talents; when, compelled by
the hatred of an ungrateful people, he sought a refuge at IV. After his death, when
the people had repented of the sentence passed upon him, they took off
nine-tenths of the fine, and ordered that his son Conon should give ten
talents to repair a certain portion of the wall. In this occurrence was seen
the changeableness of fortune; for the grandson was obliged, to the great
scandal of his family, to repair, out of his own estate, the same walls which
his grandfather Conon had rebuilt with the spoil taken from the enemy. Of the temperate and
judicious life of Timotheus, though we could produce a great many proofs, we
will be content with one, from which it may be easily conjectured how dear he
was to his friends. When he was brought to trial, while quite a young man, at
This was the last age of
Athenian commanders; the age of Iphicrates, Chabrias, and Timotheus; nor,
after their death, was there any leader 133
worthy of remembrance in that city. |367
Datames, an eminent
barbarian leader; his war with the Cardusii, I.----He takes prisoner Thyus of
Paphlagonia, II.----Presents Thyus to the king of Persia; is appointed to
command in Egypt, III.----Is directed to attack Aspis of Cappadocia,
IV.----Finds that the courtiers are plotting against him, and takes
possession of Cappadocia and Paphlagonia, V.----Loses his son in a war with
the Pisidians; defeats the Pisidians, VI.----Is betrayed by his eldest son,
VII.----Defeats the general of the Persians who is sent against him,
VIII.----Escapes a plot formed against him by the king, IX.----Is deceived by
Mithridates, X.----Is killed by him, XI. I. I NOW come to the
bravest and wisest man of all the barbarians, except the two Carthaginians,
Hamilcar and Hannibal. I shall say the more
concerning this general, because most of his acts are but little known, and
because the undertakings that were attended with success to him, were
accomplished, not by vastness of force, but by sagacity, in which he
surpassed all ofthat age; and unless the manner of his proceedings be set
forth, his merits cannot be fully understood. Datames, son of a father
named Camissares, a Carian by nation, and of a mother a native of Scythia,
served first of all among the soldiers who were guards of the palace to
Artaxerxes. His father Camissares, having been found undaunted in fight,
active in command, and faithful on many occasions to the king, was granted as
a province that portion of Cilicia which borders on Cappadocia, and which the
Leucosyrians inhabit. Datames first showed what
sort of man he was, when engaged in military service, in the war which the
king carried on against the Cardusii; for in this enterprise, after several
thousands of the king's troops were killed, his exertions proved of great
value. Hence it happened that, as Camissares lost his life in the war, his
father's province was conferred upon him. II. He distinguished
himself by equal valour when Autophradates, by the king's order, made war
upon those who had revolted; for the enemy, even after they had entered the
camp, were put to flight by his efforts, and the rest of the king's army was
saved. In consequence of this success, he began to be appointed over more
important affairs. At that |368
time Thyus was prince of Paphlagonia, a man of ancient family, descended from
that Pylaemenes whom Homer states to have been killed by Patroclus 134
in the Trojan war. This prince paid no respect to the king's commands. The
king, in consequence, determined to make war upon him, and gave the command
of the enterprise to Datames, who was a near relative of the Paphlagonian,
for they were sons of a brother and a sister. Datames, on this account, was
desirous, in the first place, to try every means to bring back his kinsman to
his duty without having recourse to arms. But going to confer with him
without a guard, as he apprehended no treachery from a friend, he almost lost
his life, for Thyus had resolved to assassinate him secretly. Datames was
however accompanied by his mother, the aunt of the Paphlagonian, who
discovered what was going on, and gave her son warning of it. Datames escaped
the danger by flight, and declared open war against Thyus, in which, though
he was deserted by Ariobarzanes, the satrap of Lydia, Ionia, and all Phrygia,
he nevertheless vigorously persevered, and succeeded in taking Thyus alive
with his wife and children. III. He then used his
utmost efforts that the news of his success might not reach the king before
him, and thus, while all were still ignorant of it, he arrived at the place
where the king was encamped, and the day after arrayed Thyus, a man of huge
stature, and frightful aspect, being of a black complexion, and having long
hair and a long beard, in a splendid robe such as the king's satraps used to
wear. He adorned him also with a chain and bracelets of gold, and other royal
ornaments, while he himself was dressed in a coarse thick cloak,135
and rough coat, having a hunter's cap upon his head, a club in his right
hand, and in his left a chain, with which he drove Thyus secured before him,
as if he were bringing along a wild beast that he had taken. While the people
were all gazing at him, on account of the strangeness of his attire, and his
person being unknown to them, and a great crowd |369
was in consequence gathered round him, it happened that there was somebody in
it who knew Thyus, and went off to tell the king, The king at first did not
believe the account, and therefore sent Pharnabazus to make inquiry. Learning
from him what had been done, he ordered Datames to be instantly admitted,
being extremely delighted both with his success and the dress of his captive,
rejoicing especially that that eminent prince had fallen into his hands when
he scarcely expected it. He therefore sent Datames, after bestowing
magnificent presents upon him, to the army which was then assembling, under
the command of Pharnabazus and Tithraus tes, to make war upon IV. As he was raising an
army with the utmost diligence, and preparing to set out for Egypt, a letter
was unexpectedly sent him by the king, desiring him to attack Aspis, who then
held Cataonia, a country which lies above Cilicia, and borders on Cappadocia.
Aspis, occupying a woody country, defended with fortresses, not only refused
to obey the king's orders, but ravaged the neighbouring provinces, and
intercepted whatever was being conveyed to the king. Datames, though he was
far distant from those parts, and was drawn off from a greater matter, yet
thought it necessary to yield to the king's wish. He therefore went on board
a ship with a few brave followers, thinking (what really happened) that he
would more easily overcome him, when unaware of his approach and unprepared,
than when ready to meet him, though with ever so great an army. Sailing in
this vessel to the coast of Cilicia, landing there, and marching day and
night, he passed V. While these occurrences
were passing, Artaxerxes, reflecting from how important a war, and to how
inconsiderable an enterprize, he had sent the best of his generals, blamed
himself for what he had done, and sent a messenger to the troops at Ace (not
supposing that Datames had yet set out), to tell him not to quit the army.
But before this messenger arrived at the place to which he was sent, he met
upon the road the party that were leading Aspis. Though Datames, by this celerity,
gained great favour from the king, he incurred no less dislike on the part of
the courtiers, because they saw that he alone was more valued than all of
them; and on this account they all conspired to ruin him. Pandates, the
keeper of the king's treasury, a friend to Datames, sent him an account of
this state of things in writing, in which he told him that "he would be
in great peril if any ill-success should fall out while he commanded in
Egypt, for such was the practice of kings, that they attributed adverse
occurrences to other men, but prosperous ones to their own good fortune; and
hence it happened that they were easily inclined to the ruin of those under
whose conduct affairs were said to have been ill-managed; and that he would
be in so much the greater danger as he had those for his bitterest enemies to
whom the king chiefly gave ear." Datames, having read this letter, after
he had arrived at the army at Ace, resolved, as he was aware that what was
written was true, to leave the king's service. He did nothing, however, that
was unworthy of his honour; for he appointed Mandrocles of Magnesia to
command the army, while he himself went off with his adherents into
Cappadocia, and took possession of Paphlagonia, that bordered upon it,
concealing what his feelings were towards the king. He then privately made a
league with Ariobarzanes, raised a force, and assigned the fortified towns to
be defended by his own troops. VI. But these proceedings,
from its being winter, went on with but little success. He heard that the
Pisidians were raising some forces to oppose him, and sent his son Aridaeus
with a detachment against them. The young man fell in battle, and the father
marched away to the scene of his death with but |371
a small number of followers, concealing how great a loss he had sustained,
for he wished to reach the enemy before the report of his ill-success should
become known to his men, lest the spirits of the soldiers should be depressed
by hearing of the death of his son. He arrived at the spot to which he had
directed his course, and pitched his camp in such a position that he could
neither be surrounded by the superior number of the enemy, nor be hindered
from keeping his forces always ready to engage. There was with him
Mithrobarzanes, his father-in-law, commander of the cavalry, who, despairing
of the state of his son-in-law's affairs, went over to the enemy. When
Datames heard this, he was sensible that if it should go abroad among the
multitude that he was deserted by a man so intimately connected with him, it
would happen that others would follow his example. He therefore spread a
report throughout the camp that "Mithrobarzanes had gone off as a
deserter by his direction, in order that, being received as such, he might
the more easily spread destruction among the enemy. It was not right
therefore," he added, "that he should be left unsupported, but that
they ought all to follow without delay, and, if they did so with spirit, the
consequence would be that their foes would be unable to resist, as they would
be cut to pieces within their ramparts and without." This exhortation
being well received, he led forth his troops, pursued Mithrobarzanes, and,
almost at the moment that the latter was joining the enemy,136
gave orders for an attack. The Pisidians, surprised by this new movement,
were led to believe that the deserters were acting with bad faith, and by
arrangement with Datames, in order that, whan received into the camp, they
might do them the greater mischief; they therefore attacked them first. The
deserters, as they knew not what was in agitation, or why it took place, were
compelled to fight with those to whom they had deserted, and to act on the
side of those whom they had quitted; and, as neither party spared |372 them, they were quickly cut to pieces.
Datames then set upon the rest of the Pisidians who offered resistance,
repelled them at the first onset, pursued them as they fled, killed a great
number of them, and captured their camp. By this stratagem he at once both
cut off the traitors, and overthrew the enemy, and turned to his preservation
what had been contrived for his destruction, We have nowhere read, on the
part of any commander, any device more ingeniously conceived than this, or
more promptly executed. VII. Yet from such a man
as this his eldest son Scismas deserted, and went over to the king, carrying
intelligence of his father's defection. Artaxerxes, being startled at this
news (for he was aware that he should have to do with a brave and active man,
who, when he had conceived a project, had courage to execute it, and was
accustomed to think before he attempted to act), despatched Autophradates
into Cappadocia. To prevent this general from entering the country, Datames
endeavoured to be the first to secure a forest, in which the Gate of VIII. Autophradates,
though he was aware of these circumstances, yet thought it better to fight
than to retreat with so large an army, or to continue inactive so long in one
place. He had twenty thousand barbarian cavalry, a hundred thousand infantry,
whom they call Cardaces,138
and three thousand slingers of the same class. He had besides eight thousand
Cappadocians, ten thousand Armenians, five thousand Paphlagonians, ten
thousand Phrygians, five thousand Lydians, about three thousand Aspendians
and Pisidians, two thousand Cilicians, as many Captianians,139
three thousand hired men |373
from Greece, and a very large number of light-armed troops. Against this
force all Datames's hopes rested on himself and the nature of his ground, for
he had not the twentieth part of his enemy's numbers. Trusting to himself and
his position,140
therefore, he brought on a battle, and cut off many thousands of the enemy,
while there fell of his own army not more than a thousand men; on which
account he erected a trophy the next day on the spot where they had fought
the day before. When he had moved his camp from thence, and always, though
inferior in forces, came off victorious in every battle (for he never engaged
but when he had confined his adversaries in some defile, an advantage which
often happened to one acquainted with the ground and taking his measures with
skill), Autophradates, seeing that the war was protracted with more loss to
the king than to the enemy, exhorted Datames to peace and friendship,141
so that he might again be received into favour with the king. Datames, though
he saw that peace would not be faithfully kept, nevertheless accepted the
offer of it, and said that "he would send deputies to Artaxerxes."
Thus the war, which the king had undertaken against Datames, was ended; and
Autophradates retired into IX. But the king, as he
had conceived an implacable hatred to Datames, endeavoured, when he found
that he could not be overcome in the field, to cut him off by underhand
artifices; but most of these he eluded. For instance, when it was told him
that some, who were reckoned in the number of his friends, were laying a plot
for him (concerning whom, as their enemies were the informers, he thought
that the intimation was neither entirely to be believed nor utterly disregarded),
he resolved to make trial whether what had been told him was true or false.
He accordingly went forward on the road on which they had stated that an
ambush would be laid for him; but he selected a man closely resembling
himself in |374 person and stature, gave
him his own attire, and ordered him to ride on in that part of the line where
he himself had been accustomed to go, while Datames himself, in the
equipments and dress of a common soldier, prepared to march among his own
body-guard. The men in ambuscade, as soon as the party reached the spot where
they were stationed, being deceived by the place and dress, made an assault
upon him who had been substituted for Datames. But Datames had previously
directed those among whom he was marching, to be ready to do what they should
see him do. He, as soon as he saw the conspirators collecting in a body,
hurled his darts among them, and, as all the rest did the same, they fell
down dead before they could reach him whom they meant to attack. X. Yet this man, crafty as
he was, was at last ensnared by a device of Mithridates, the son of
Ariobarzanes; for Mithridates promised the king that he would kill Datames,
if the king would allow him to do with impunity whatever he wished, and would
give him a pledge to that effect with his right hand after the manner of the
Persians. When he received this pledge sent him by the king,142
he prepared a force, and though at a distance, made a league with Datames,
ravaged the king's provinces, stormed his fortresses, and carried off a great
quantity of spoil, part of which he divided among his men, and part he sent
to Datames, putting into his hands, in like manner, many strong-holds. By
pursuing this course for a long time, he made Datames believe that he had
undertaken an everlasting war against the king, while notwithstanding (lest
he should raise in him any suspicion of treachery), he neither sought a
conference with him, nor showed any desire to come into his sight. Thus,
though keeping at a distance, he maintained friendship with him; but so that
they seemed to be bound to one another, not by mutual kindnesses, but by the
common hatred which they had conceived towards the king. XI. When he thought that
he had sufficiently established this notion, he gave intimation to Datames
that it was time for greater armies to be raised, and an attack to be made on
the king himself; and that, with reference to this subject, he might, if he
pleased, come to a conference with him |375
in any place that he might choose. The proposal being accepted, a time was
fixed for the conference, and a place in which they were to meet. To this
spot Mithridates came some days previously, in company with a person in whom
he had the greatest confidence, and buried swords in several different
places, carefully marking each spot. On the day of the conference, each of
them brought people to examine the place, and to search Datames and
Mithridates themselves. They then met, and after they had spent some time in
conference, and parted in different directions, and Datames was some distance
off, Mithridates, before he went back to his attendants (lest he should
excite any suspicion), returned to the same place, and sat down, as if he wished
to rest from weariness, on one of the spots in which a sword had been
concealed, and, at the same time, called back Datames, pretending that he had
forgotten something at their conference. In the mean time he drew out the
sword that was hid, and concealed it, unsheathed, under his garment, and
observed to Datames, as he was returning, that he had noticed, when going
off, that a certain place, which was in sight, was suitable for pitching a
camp. While he was pointing this out with his finger, and the other was
looking towards it, he ran him through, as his back was turned, with the
sword, and put an end to his life before any one could come to his
assistance. Thus a man who had gained the mastery
over many by prudence, over none by treachery, was ensnared by pretended
friendship. Remarks on the manners of
the Greeks, I.----Youth and manhood of Epaminondas, II.----Excellencies of
his character, III.----An instance of his freedom from covetousness,
IV.----His ability in speaking, V.----An instance of his power of persuasion;
the battle of Leuctra, VI.----His patriotism; his care for the army and its
success, VII.----Is brought to trial for retaining his command longer than
the law allowed; his defence and acquittal, VIII.----His death at Mantinea,
IX.----His apology for not marrying; his horror of civil bloodshed; the glory
of Thebes, X. I. EPAMINONDAS was the son
of Polymnis, and was born at But as we wish to draw a
correct picture of the habits and life of Epaminondas, we seem called upon to
omit nothing that may tend to illustrate it. We shall therefore speak in the
first place of his birth; we shall then show in what accomplishments, and by
whom, he was instructed; next we shall touch upon his manners and
intellectual endowments, and whatever other points in his character may
deserve notice; and lastly on his great actions, which are more regarded by
many than all the best qualities of the mind.144
II. He was the son, then,
of the father whom we named, and was of an honourable family, though left
poor by his ancestors; but he was so well educated that no Theban was more
so; for he was taught to play upon the harp, and to sing to the sound of its
strings, by Dionysius, who was held in no less honour among musicians than
Damon or Lamprus,145
whose names are well known; to play on the flutes 146
by Olympiodorus; and to dance by Calliphron. For his instructor in philosophy
he had Lysis 147
of Tarentum, a Pythagorean, to whom he was so devoted that, young as he was,
he preferred |377 the society of a grave
and austere old man 148
before that of all those of his own age; nor did he part with him until he so
far excelled his fellow students in learning, that it might easily be
perceived he would in like manner excel them all in other pursuits. These
acquirements, according to our habits, are trifling, and rather to be
despised; 149
but in III. To the strength of
body thus acquired were added many good qualities of the mind; for he was
modest, prudent, grave, wisely availing himself of opportunities, skilled in
war, brave in action, and possessed of remarkable courage; he was so great a
lover of truth, that he would not tell a falsehood even in jest; he was also
master of his passions, gentle in disposition, and patient to a wonderful
degree, submitting to wrong, not only from the people, but from his own
friends; he was a remarkable keeper of secrets, a quality which is sometimes
not less serviceable than to speak eloquently; and he was an attentive
listener to others, because he thought that by this means knowledge was most
easily acquired. Whenever he came into a company, therefore, in which a
discussion was going on concerning government, or a conversation was being
held on any point of philosophy, he never went away till the discourse was
brought to its conclusion. He bore poverty so easily, that he received
nothing from the state but glory. He did not avail himself of the means of
his friends to maintain himself; but he often used his credit to relieve
others, to such a degree that |378
it might be thought all things were in common between him and his friends;
for when any one of his countrymen had been taken by the enemy, or when the
marriageable daughter of a friend could not be married for want of fortune,
he used to call a council of his friends, and to prescribe how much each
should give according to his means; and when he had made up the sum required,
he brought the man who wanted it to those who contributed, and made them pay
it to the person himself, in order that he, into whose hands the sum passed,
might know to whom he was indebted, and how much to each. IV. His indifference to
money was put to the proof by Diomedon of Cyzicus; for he, at the request of
Artaxerxes, had undertaken to bribe Epaminondas. He accordingly came to
Thebes with a large sum in gold, and, by a present of five talents, brought
over Micythus, a young man for whom Epaminondas had then a great affection,
to further his views. Micythus went to Epaminondas, and told him the cause of
Diomedon's coming. But Epaminondas, in the presence of Diomedon, said to him,
"There is no need of money in the matter; for if what the king desires
is for the good of the Thebans, I am ready to do it for nothing; but if
otherwise, he has not gold and silver enough to move me, for I would not
accept the riches of the whole world in exchange for my love for my country.
At you, who have made trial of me without knowing my character, and have
thought me like yourself, I do not wonder; and I forgive you: but quit the
city at once, lest you should corrupt others though you have been unable to
corrupt me. You, Mycithus, give Diomedon his money back; or, unless you do so
immediately, I shall give you up to the magistrates." Diomedon
entreating that he might be allowed to depart in safety, and carry away with
him what he had brought, "That," he replied, "I will grant
you, and not for your sake, but for my own, lest any one, if your money
should be taken from you, should say that what I would not receive when
offered me, had come into my possession after being taken out of yours."
Epaminondas then asking Diomedon "whither he wished to be conducted,"
and Diomedon having answered, "To V. He was also an able
speaker, so that no Theban was a match for him in eloquence; nor was his language
less pointed in brief replies than elegant in a continued speech. He had for
a traducer, and opponent in managing the government, a certain Meneclidas,
also a native of Thebes,152
a man well skilled in speaking, at least for a Theban, for in that people is
found more vigour of body than of mind. He, seeing that Epaminondas was
distinguished in military affairs, used to advise the Thebans to prefer peace
to war, in order that his services as a general might not be required.
Epaminondas in consequence said to him, "You deceive your countrymen
with words, in dissuading them from war, since under the name of peace you
are bringing upon them slavery; for peace is procured by war, and they,
accordingly, who would enjoy it long, ought to be trained to war. If
therefore, my countrymen, you wish to be leaders of VI. When Epaminondas went
to the public assembly of the Arcadians, to request them to join in alliance
with the Thebans and Argives, and Callistratus, the ambassador from the
Athenians, who excelled all men of that day in eloquence, begged of them, on
the other hand, rather to unite in alliance with Athens, and uttered many
invectives against the Thebans and Argives, and among them made this remark,
"that the Arcadians ought to observe what sort of citizens each city had
produced, from whom they might form a judgment of the rest; for that Orestes
and Alcmaeon, murderers of their mothers, were Argives, and that Oedipus,
who, when he had killed his father, had children by his mother, was born at
Thebes." Upon this,154
Epaminondas, in his reply, when he had done speaking as to other points, and
had come to those two grounds of reproach, said that "he wondered at the
simplicity of the Athenian rhetorician, who did not consider that those
persons, to whom he had alluded, were born innocent, and that, after having
been guilty of crimes at home, and having in consequence been banished from
their country, they had been received by the Athenians." 155
But his eloquence shone
most at Sparta (when he was ambassador before the battle of Leuctra), 156
where, when the ambassadors from all the allies had met, Epaminondas, in a
full assembly of the embassies, so clearly exposed the tyranny of the
Lacedaemonians, that he shook their power by that speech not less than by the
battle of Leuctra; for he was at that |381
time the cause (as it afterwards appeared) that they were deprived of the
support of their allies. VII. That he was of a
patient disposition, and ready to endure wrongs from his countrymen, because
he thought it species of impiety to show resentment towards his country,
there are the following proofs. When the Thebans, from some feeling of
displeasure towards him, refused to place him at the head of the army,157
and a leader was chosen that was ignorant of war, by whose mismanagement that
great multitude of soldiers was brought to such a condition that all were
alarmed for their safety, as they were confined within a narrow space and
blocked up by the enemy, the energy of Epaminondas began to be in request
(for he was there as a private 158
among the soldiers), and when they desired aid from him, he showed no
recollection of the affront that had been put upon him, but brought the army,
after releasing it from the blockade, safely home. Nor did he act in this
manner once only, but often; 159
but the most remarkable instance was, when he had led an army into the
Peloponnesus against the Lacedaemonians, and had two joined in command with
him, of whom one was Pelopidas, a man of valour and activity;----on this
occasion, when, through the accusations of their enemies, they had all fallen
under the displeasure of their countrymen, and their commission was in
consequence taken from them, and other commanders came to take their place,
Epaminondas did not obey the order of the people, and persuaded his
colleagues to follow his example, continuing to prosecute the war which he
had undertaken, for he saw that, unless he did so, the whole army would be
lost through the incautiousness and ignorance of its leaders. But there was a
law at VIII. When they returned
home, his colleagues 160
were impeached for this offence, and he gave them leave to lay all the blame
upon him, and to maintain that it was through his means that they did not
obey the law. They being freed from danger by this defence, nobody thought
that Epaminondas would make any reply, because, as was supposed, he would
have nothing to say. But he stood forward on the trial, denied nothing of
what his adversaries laid to his charge, and admitted the truth of all that his
colleagues had stated; nor did he refuse to submit to the penalty of the law;
but he requested of his countrymen one favour, namely, that they would
inscribe in their judicial record of the sentence passed upon him, 161
"Epaminondas was punished by the Thebans with death, because he obliged
them to overthrow the Lacedaemonians at Leuctra, whom, before he was general,
none of the Boeotians durst look upon in the field, and because he not only,
by one battle, rescued Thebes from destruction, but also secured liberty for
all Greece, and brought the power of both people to such a condition, that
the Thebans attacked Sparta, and the Lacedaemonians were content if they
could save their lives; nor did he cease to prosecute the war, till, after
settling Messene,162
he shut up Sparta with a close siege." When he had said this, there
burst forth a laugh from all present, with much merriment, and no one of the
judges ventured to pass sentence |383
upon him. Thus he came off from this trial for life with the greatest glory. IX. When, towards the
close of his career, he was commander at Mantinea, and, pressing very boldly
upon the enemy with his army in full array, was recognized by the
Lacedaemonians, they directed their efforts in a body against him alone,
because they thought the salvation of their country depended upon his
destruction, nor did they fall back, until, after shedding much blood, and
killing many of the enemy, they saw Epaminondas himself, while fighting most
valiantly, fall wounded with a spear hurled from a distance. By his fall the
Boeotians were somewhat disheartened; yet they did not quit the field till they
had put to flight those opposed to them. As for Epaminondas himself, when he
found that he had received a mortal wound, and also that if he drew out the
iron head of the dart, which had stuck in his body, he would instantly die,
he kept it in until it was told him that "the Boeotians were
victorious." When he heard these words, he said "I have lived long
enough; for I die unconquered." The iron head being then extracted, he
immediately died. X. He was never married;
and when he was blamed on this account (as he would leave no children 163)
by Pelopidas, who had a son of bad character, and who said that he, in this
respect, but ill consulted the interest of his country, "Beware,"
he replied, "lest you should consult it worse, in being about to leave
behind you a son of such a reputation. But neither can I," he added,
"want issue; for I leave behind me a daughter, the battle of At the time when the
Theban exiles, under the leadership of Pelopidas, possessed themselves of
Thebes, and expelled the garrison of the Lacedaemonians from the citadel,
Epaminondas, as long as the slaughter of the citizens continued, confined
himself to his own house, for he would neither defend the unworthy, nor
attack them, that he might not stain his hands with the blood of his own
countrymen. But when the |384
struggle began at the Cadmea 164
with the Lacedaemonians, he took his stand among the foremost. Of his merits and his life
enough will have been said, if I add but this one remark, of which none can deny
the truth; that Thebes, as well before Epaminondas was born, as after his
death, was always subject to some foreign power, 165
but that, as long as he held the reigns of government, it was the head of all
Greece. Hence it may be understood, that one man was of more efficacy than
the whole people. Phoebidas seizes on the
citadel of Thebes; Pelopidas banished, I.----Pelopidas, with twelve
followers, effects a return to Thebes, II.----He delivers his country from
the Lacedaemonians, expelling their garrison, III.----His acts in conjunction
with Epaminondas, IV.----His contest with Alexander of Pherae; his death, V. I. PELOPIDAS, of Thebes,
is better known to those acquainted with history than to the multitude. As to
his merits, I am in doubt how I shall speak of them; for I fear that, if I
begin to give a full account of his actions, I may seem, not to be relating his
life, but to be writing a history, or that, if I touch only on his principal
exploits, it may not clearly appear to those ignorant of Grecian literature
how great a man he was, I will therefore, as far as I can, meet both
difficulties, and provide against the satiety, as well as for the imperfect
knowledge, of my readers. Phoebidas, the
Lacedaemonian, when he was leading an army to Olynthus,166
and marching through the territory of Thebes,167
possessed himself (at the instigation of a few of the Thebans, |385 who, the better to withstand the
opposite faction, favoured the interest of the Lacedaemonians,) of the citadel
of Thebes, which is called the Cadmea,168
and this he did of his own private determination, not from any public
resolution of his countrymen. For this act the Lacedaemonians removed him
from his command of the army, and fined him a sum of money, but did not show
the more inclination, on that account, to restore the citadel to the Thebans,
because, as enmity had arisen between them, they thought it better that they
should be under a check than left at liberty; for, after the Peloponnesian
war was ended, and Athens subdued, they supposed that the contest must be
between them and the Thebans, and that they were the only people who would
venture to make head against them. With this belief they committed the chief
posts to their own friends, while they partly put to death, and partly
banished, the leading men of the opposite party; and amongst them Pelopidas,
of whom we have begun to write, was expelled from his country. II. Almost all these
exiles had betaken themselves to Athens, not that they might live in
idleness, but that, whatever opportunity chance should first offer, they
might avail themselves of it to regain their country.169
As soon, therefore, as it seemed time for action, they, in concert with those
who held similar views at Thebes, fixed on a day for cutting off their
enemies and delivering their country, and made choice of that very day on
which the chief magistrates were accustomed to meet at a banquet together.
Great exploits have been often achieved with no very numerous forces, but
assuredly never before was so great a power overthrown from so small a
beginning. For, out of those who had been banished, twelve young men (there
not being in all more than a hundred who were willing to encounter so great a
danger,) agreed to attempt the enterprise; and by this small number the power
of the Lacedaemonians was overcome; for these youths made war on that
occasion, not more upon the faction of their adversaries than upon the
Spartans, who were lords of Greece, and whose |386
imperious domination, shaken by this commencement, was humbled not long after
in the battle of Leuctra. These twelve, then, whose
leader was Pelopidas, quitting Athens in the day-time, with a view to reach
Thebes when the sky was obscured by evening, set out with hunting dogs,
carrying nets in their hands, and in the dress of countrymen, in order that
they might accomplish their journey with less suspicion. Having arrived at
the very time that they had desired, they proceeded to the house of Charon,
by whom the hour and day 170
had been fixed. III. Here I would observe
in passing, although the remark be unconnected with the subject before us,171
how great mischief excessive confidence is wont to produce; for it soon came
to the ears of the Theban magistrates that some of the exiles had entered the
city, but this intelligence, being intent upon their wine and luxuries, they
so utterly disregarded, that they did not take the trouble even to inquire
about so important a matter. Another circumstance was added, too, which may
show their folly in a more remarkable light. A letter was brought from IV. During this period of
turbulence, Epaminondas, as we have already observed, remained quiet, so long
as the struggle was between fellow-citizens, in his own house. The glory of
delivering V. Yet he had to struggle
with adverse fortune. He lived in exile, as we have shown, in the early part
of his life; and, when he sought to bring Thessaly under the power of the
Thebans, and thought that he was sufficiently protected by the law of
embassies, which used to be held sacred by all nations, he was seized,
together with Ismenias, by Alexander, tyrant of Pherae, and thrown into
prison. Epaminondas, making war upon Alexander, restored him to liberty. But
after this occurrence, he could never be reconciled in feeling to him by whom
he had been unjustly treated. He therefore persuaded the Thebans to go to the
relief of Agesilaus elected king of
Sparta, his brother's son being set aside, I.----His expedition to Asia; his
strict observance of his truce with Tissaphernes, II.----He lays waste
Phrygia; winters at Ephesus; deceives Tissaphernes, III.----Is recalled to
defend his country; defeats the Thebans at Coronea; his clemency, IV.----His
success in the Corinthian war; spares Corinth, V.----Refuses to go to the
battle at Leuctra; saves Sparta by a stratagem, VI.----Replenishes the
treasury of his country, VII.----His personal appearance and mode of life;
his death at the harbour of Menelaus, VIII. AGESILAUS the
Lacedaemonian has been praised not only by other writers, but, above all, by
Xenophon, the disciple of Socrates, for he treated Xenophon as an intimate
friend. In his early days he had a
dispute with Leotychides, his brother's son, about the throne; for it was a
custom handed down among the Lacedaemonians from their ancestors, that they
should always have two kings, in name rather than power, of the two families
of Procles and Eurysthenes, who were the first kings of Sparta, of the
progeny of Hercules. It was not lawful for a king to be made out of one of
these families instead of the other; each of the two, therefore, maintained
its order of succession. Regard was had, in the first place, to the eldest of
the sons of him who died while on the throne; but if he had left no male
issue, the choice then fell on him who was next of kin. King Agis, the
brother of Agesilaus, had recently died, and had left a son named
Leotychides, whom, during his life, he had not acknowledged, but, at his
death, had declared to be his. Leotychides contended for the royal dignity
with his uncle Agesilaus, but did not obtain what he sought, for Agesilaus
was preferred through the interest of Lysander, a man, as we have already
stated, of a factious character, and at that time of great influence. II. Agesilaus, as soon as
he got possession of the throne, solicited the Lacedaemonians to send an army
into Asia, and make war upon the king of Persia, assuring them that it was
better to fight in Asia than in Europe; for a rumour had gone abroad that
Artaxerxes was equipping a fleet, and raising land forces, to send into
Greece. Permission being granted him, he exerted so much expedition, that he
arrived in Asia with his troops before the king's satraps knew that he had
set out; hence it happened that he surprised them all unprepared, and |389 expecting nothing of the kind. But as
soon as Tissaphernes, who had the chief authority among the royal satraps,
heard of his arrival, he begged a truce of the Spartan, on pretence that he
would try to effect an agreement between the Lacedaemonians and the king, but
in reality to gain time for collecting troops; and he obtained a truce for
three months. Each of them, however, took an oath to observe the truce
without fraud; to which engagement Agesilaus adhered with the greatest
honour; but Tissaphernes, on the other hand, did nothing but make
preparations for war. Though Agesilaus became aware of his proceedings, he
still kept his oath, and said that "he was a great gainer by doing so,
for Tissaphernes, by his perjury, both alienated men from his interest, and
made the gods angry with him; while he, by being faithful to his obligation, produced
confidence among his troops, as they felt that the power of the gods was on
their side, and that men were rendered greater friends to them, because they
were accustomed to favour those whom they saw keeping faith." III. When the period of
the truce was expired, the barbarian, not doubting that as he had many
residences in Caria, and as that province was then thought by far the richest
in Asia, the enemy would direct their attacks on that quarter especially,
assembled his whole force on that side. But Agesilaus turned into When he thought it time to
draw his troops out of winter quarters, he saw that if he openly declared in
what direction he was going to march, the enemy would not give credit to his
statement, but would occupy other parts with their forces, not doubting that
he would do something quite different from |390
what he said. Agesilaus, accordingly, giving out that ho would march for
Sardis, Tissaphernes felt convinced that The Lacedaemonian king,
seeing that the enemy were superior to him in cavalry, never gave them an
opportunity of attacking him in the plains, but engaged them in those parts
in which infantry would be of greater service. As often as he came to a
battle, therefore, he routed forces of the enemy far more numerous than his
own; and he so conducted himself in Asia that he was in the judgment of every
one accounted superior to his opponent. IV. While he was thinking
of marching into Persia, and attacking the king himself, a messenger came to
him from home, by order of the Ephori, to acquaint him that the Athenians and
Boeotians had declared war against the Lacedaemonians, and that he should
therefore not delay to return. In this juncture is dutifulness to his country
is not less to be admired than his merit in war, for though he was at the
head of a victorious army, and felt assured, to the utmost, of becoming
master of the kingdom of Persia, he obeyed the orders of the absent
magistrates with as much respect as if he had been a private person in the comitium
174
at Sparta. Would that our generals had followed his example! But let us
proceed with our subject. Agesilaus preferred an honourable name to the most
powerful empire, and thought it much more glorious to obey the laws of his
country than to subdue V. After this battle all
the war was concentrated about VI. In the mean time the
disaster at Leuctra befel the the Lacedaemonians; and that he might not march
thither,179
though he was urged by many to go to the field, he refused to go, as if he
had a presentiment concerning the event. But when Epaminondas attacked
Sparta, and the city was without walls, he proved himself such a commander,
that it was apparent to all on that occasion, that if it had not been for
him, Sparta would have ceased to exist.180
In this time or danger, indeed, the celerity of his proceedings was the preservation
of the whole people; for when a number of the young men, alarmed at the
approach of the enemy, had determined on going over to the Thebans, and had
taken a position on an eminence without the city, Agesilaus, who saw that it
would have a most pernicious effect, if it were noticed that any were trying
to desert to the enemy, went thither with some of his men, and, as if they
had been acting with a good intention, commended their procedure in having
taken possession of that spot, and said that he himself had also observed
that this ought to be done. Thus, by his pretended commendation, he prevented
the young men from deserting, and, after joining some of his followers with
them, left the place quite safe; for when the number of those was increased who
were unacquainted with the project,181
the conspirators were |393
afraid to move, and retained their ground the more willingly as they thought
that what they had meditated was still unknown. VII. After the battle of
Leuctra, it is certain, the Lacedaemonians never recovered themselves, or
regained their former power, though, at that period, Agesilaus did not cease
to assist his country by whatever means he could use. When the Lacedaemonians
were greatly in want of money, he gave his support to all those 182
who had revolted from the king, and being presented by them with a large sum,
he relieved his country with it. In his character, indeed, this point was
particularly worthy of admiration, that, though great presents were given him
by kings, princes, and states, he never took any portion of them into his own
house, and never departed in the least from the usual diet and dress of the
Spartans; he remained content with the same house which Eurysthenes, the
progenitor of his family, had inhabited; and whoever entered it could see no
indication of luxury or extravagance, but, on the contrary, many proofs of
temperance and frugality, for it was furnished in such a manner that it
differed in no respect from that of any poor or private person. VIII. As this great man
had found nature favourable in giving him excellent qualities of mind, so he found
her unpropitious with regard to the formation of his body; for he was of low
stature, small in person, and lame of one foot. These circumstances rendered
his appearance the reverse of attractive, and strangers, when they looked at
his person, felt only contempt for him, while those who knew his merits could
not sufficiently admire him. Such fortune attended him, when, at the age of
eighty, he went into Egypt to the aid of Tachos, and lay down with his men on
the shore without any shelter, having merely such a couch that the ground was
but covered with straw, and nothing more than a skin thrown upon it,183
while all his attendants lay in the same manner, in plain and well-worn attire,
so that their equipments not only |394
did not indicate that there was a king among them, but even raised a
suspicion that he must be a man not very rich. The news of his arrival having
reached the king's officers, presents of every kind were soon brought him;
but when the officers inquired for Agesilaus, they could scarcely be made to
believe that he was one of those who were sitting before them. When they
presented him what they had brought, with a message from the king, he
accepted nothing but some veal, and such sorts of meat as his present
circumstances required; the ointments, chaplets, and sweetmeats he
distributed among the slaves, and the other things he directed to be carried
back. Upon this, the barbarians looked upon him still more contemptuously,
thinking that he had made choice of what he had taken from ignorance of what
was valuable. As he was returning from
Egypt, after having been presented by King Nectanabis 184
with two hundred and twenty talents, in order that he might bestow them upon
his countrymen, and had arrived at what is called the harbour of Menelaus,185
lying between Cyrenae 186
and Egypt, he fell ill and died. His friends, in order the more conveniently
to convey him to Sparta, enveloped his body, as they had no honey, in wax,
and so carried it home. |395
Eumenes is secretary to
Philip and Alexander, and afterwards commander in the cavalry, I.----After
the death of Alexander he is allotted the province of Cappadocia, and is a
steady friend to Perdiccas, II.----His proceedings on behalf of Perdiccas,
III.----He defeats Craterus and Neoptolemus, IV.----Is pursued by Antigonus;
his stratagems and escape, V.----His kindness to Olympias and Alexander's
children, VI.----His continuance of hostilities against Antigonus; his device
in his camp, VII.----He defeats Antigonus; is controlled by Alexander's
veterans, VIII.----He eludes Antigonus by a stratagem, IX.----After again
defeating Antigonus, he is betrayed by his own men, X.----In his confinement
he longs to die, XI.----His death, XII.----After his death the officers of
Alexander assume the title of kings; his funeral, XIII. I. EUMENES was a native of
Cardia.187
If success equal to his abilities had been granted him, he would not, indeed,
have been a greater man (for we estimate great men by merit, not by fortune),
but he would have been much more renowned, and more honoured. As he happened
to live, however, in the days in which the Macedonians flourished, it was a
great disadvantage to him residing among them, that
he was of a foreign country. Nor was anything wanting to him but a noble
descent; for, though he was of a family of distinction in his native city,
the Macedonians were nevertheless dissatisfied that he should ever be preferred
to them. They were obliged to submit, however, for he excelled them all in
caution, vigilance, endurance, and acuteness and activity of intellect. When he was but a youth,
he was received into favour by Philip, the son of Amyntas, and after a short
time was admitted into intimate friendship with him; for, even then, when he
was so young, there appeared to be great natural talent in him. He therefore
kept him near himself in the office of secretary, which is much more
honourable 188
among the Greeks than among the |396
Romans; for with us, secretaries are regarded as hirelings, as in reality
they are; but with them, on the contrary, no one is admitted to that office
who is not of good family and of known integrity and ability, because he must
of necessity be the confidant of all their political measures. This post of
confidence he held for seven years under Philip, and after Philip was
assassinated, he was in the same office for thirteen years under Alexander.
During the latter portion of this time, also, he commanded one of the two
divisions of the cavalry called Hetaeriae.189
With both these princes he always had a place in the council, and was
admitted to a knowledge of all their proceedings. II. After the death of
Alexander at Babylon, when kingdoms were allotted to each of his friends, and
the superintendence of affairs was committed to the hands 190
of Perdiccas, to whom Alexander, when dying, had given his ring (a
circumstance from which every one conjectured that Alexander had entrusted
his kingdom to him, until his children should come of age to take the
government upon themselves; 191
for Craterus and Antipater, who seemed to have the precedence of him, were
absent, and Hephaestion, for whom Alexander, as might easily be perceived,
had had the highest esteem, was dead), at that time Cappadocia was given to
Eumenes, or rather appointed for him, for it was then in the power of the
enemy. Perdiccas had sought with great eagerness to attach Eumenes to him,
for he saw in him great honour and ability,192
and did not doubt that, if he could gain him over to his side, he would be of
great assistance to him in the projects which he was meditating, since he
purposed (what all in great power generally covet) to seize and secure for
himself the shares of all the rest. Nor did he alone, indeed, entertain such
designs, but all the others, |397
who had been friends of Alexander, formed similar intentions. Leonnatus,193
in the first place, had resolved to seize upon III. In the meantime those
wars broke out, which, after the death of Alexander, were carried on to
desperation;194
and all combined to ruin Perdiccas. Eumenes, though he saw that he was but
weak, as he was obliged to stand alone against them all, yet did not forsake
a friend, or show himself more desirous of safety than of honour. Perdiccas
had set him over that part of Asia which lies between Mount Taurus and the IV. After they had
continued the contest, with desperate efforts, through the greater part of
the day, Craterus, the commander-in-chief, was killed, as well as Neoptolemus
who held the second place in authority. With Eumenes Neoptolemus himself
encountered, and as they grappled with one another, and fell from their
horses to the ground (so that it might easily be seen that they fought with
feelings of enmity, and warred more with their minds than with their bodies),
they could not be separated till life left one of the two. Eumenes received
some wounds from Neoptolemus, yet did not, on that account, retire from the
field, but pressed more vigorously upon the enemy. The horse being routed,
Craterus the general slain, and many, chiefly of high rank,
being made prisoners, the infantry, as they were forced into a
position from which they could not escape without the permission of Eumenes,
begged peace of him. But when they had obtained it, they did not adhere to
their word, but went off, as soon as they could, to Antipater. Eumenes
endeavoured to save the life of Craterus, who was carried half dead from the
field; but, not being able to succeed, he interred him, suitably to his
dignity and their former friendship (for he had been intimate with him in
Alexander's life-time), with a magnificent funeral, and sent his bones into V. During the course of
these proceedings on the Hellespont, Perdiccas was killed by Seleucus and
Antigonus 196
on the river But a course of necessitous
circumstances, though they could not subdue the energy of his spirit, had yet
some effect in diminishing it. Antigonus, however, who pursued him, was
often, though he had plenty of all kinds of troops, severely harassed by him
on the march, nor could he ever come to an engagement with him except in
places in which a few could resist many. But at last, when he could not be
taken by manoeuvring, he was hemmed in by numbers; still he extricated
himself, though with the loss of several men, and took refuge in a fortress
of Phrygia, called Nora; where, being besieged, and fearing that, by
remaining in one place, he should lose his war-horses, as there was no room
for exercising them, he adopted an ingenious expedient,198
by which the animal might be warmed and exercised standing, so that it might
take its food more freely, and not be deprived of the benefit of bodily
motion. He tied up its head 199
so high with a halter, that it could not quite touch the ground with its
fore-feet; he then forced it, by lashing it behind, to leap up and throw back
its heels; which motions excited perspiration no less than if the animal had
run in an open course. Hence it happened (what was a matter of astonishment
to all), that he led out his horses from the fortress, though he had been
several months under siege, equally as sleek as if he had been keeping them
in open fields. During that siege, as often as he desired, he either set on
fire or demolished the works and defences of Antigonus. He, however, kept
himself in that one place as long as the winter lasted; but, as the fortress
could have no relief from without, and the spring was coming on, he pretended
to be desirous of surrendering, and, while he was treating about the terms,
eluded the officers of Antigonus, and brought himself and all his men off
safe. VI. When Olympias, who was
the mother of Alexander, sent letters and messengers into Asia to Eumenes, to
consult him whether she should proceed to re-possess herself of Macedonia
(for she was then living in Epirus), and take upon herself the government
there, he advised her, "above all |400
things, not to stir, but to wait till Alexander's son should get the throne;
yet, if she should be hurried into Macedonia by any irresistible longing, he
recommended her to forget all injuries, and not to exercise too severe an
authority over any one." But with neither of these suggestions did she
comply; for she both went to VII. He therefore
assembled troops, and prepared for war against Antigonus. But as there were
with him several noble Macedonians, amongst whom were Peucestes, who had been
one of Alexander's body-guard, and was then governor of Persia, and
Antigenes, under whose command the Macedonian phalanx was, dreading envy
(which, nevertheless, he could not escape), if he, being a foreigner, should
have the chief authority rather than others of the Macedonians, of whom there
was a great number there, he erected a pavilion at head quarters,200
in the name of Alexander, and caused a gold chair, with a sceptre and diadem,
to be placed in it, directing that all should meet at it daily, that counsel
might be taken there concerning matters of importance; for he thought that he
should incur less envy if he appeared to manage the war under show of the
authority, and with assumption of the name, of Alexander; and in this point
he succeeded; for, as the meetings were held, not at the tent of Eumenes, but
at that of the king, and measures concerted there, his superiority was |401 in some degree concealed, though all
was done by his agency alone. VIII. He engaged with
Antigonus in the country of the Paraetaci, not with his army in full array,
but on the march, and forced him, after being severely handled, to return
into Media to winter. He himself distributed his troops in winter-quarters
through the neighbouring country of Persia, not as he chose, but as the will
of his soldiers obliged him; for the phalanx of Alexander the Great, which
had over-run Asia, and subdued the Persians, desired, in consequence of their
established renown, and also through long-continued license, not to obey
their officers but to command them, as our veterans now do. There is danger,
therefore, lest ours should do what those did, and, by their insubordination
and excessive licentiousness, ruin all, not less those whom they have
supported than those whom they have opposed. And if any one reads the acts of
those veterans, he will find the proceedings of ours like theirs, and be of
opinion that there is no other difference between them but that of time. But
I return to those of IX. He had accomplished
about half the distance, when, from the smoke of his camp, a suspicion was
hinted to Eumenes that an enemy was approaching. His officers held a meeting;
and it was considered what ought to be done. They were all aware that their
troops could not be assembled so soon as Antigonus seemed likely to be upon
them; and. while they were all consequently in perplexity, and despair ing of
their safety,201
Eumenes said that "If they would but use activity, and execute his
orders (which they had not done before), he would put an end to their
difficulties; for, though the enemy might now finish his journey in five
days, he would take care that they should be delayed not less than as many
days more.202
They must therefore go about, and each collect his
troops." To retard the progress of
Antigonus he adopted the following stratagem. He sent trustworthy men to the
foot of the mountains, which lay over against the enemy's route, and ordered
them, as soon as night came on, to make as large fires and as far dispersed,
as they could; to reduce them at the second watch, and to make them very
small at the third, and, by imitating the usages of a camp, to raise a
suspicion in the enemy that there was actually a camp in those parts, and
that intelligence had been given of their approach; and he told them to act
in the same way on the following night. The men to whom this commission was
given carefully observed their instructions. Antigonus, when darkness came
on, saw the fires, and supposed that something had been heard of his coming,
and that his enemies had assembled their force on that quarter. He therefore
changed his intention, and, thinking that he could not surprise them
unawares, altered his route, and took the longer circuit of the well-supplied
road, on which he halted for one day, to refresh his weary men and recruit
his horses, that he might come to battle with his army in better condition. X. On this occasion
Eumenes overreached a crafty general by stratagem, and obviated the
suddenness of his attack; yet |403
he gained but little by his success; for through the envy of the officers
with whom he had to act, and the treachery of the Macedonian veterans, he was
delivered up, after he had come off superior in the field, to Antigonus,
though they had previously sworn, at three several times, that they would
defend him and never forsake him. But such was the eagerness of some to
detract from his merit, that they chose rather to
break their faith than not betray him. Antigonus, however, though he had been
a violent enemy to him, would have spared his life, if he had but been
allowed to do so by his friends, because he was certain that he could not be
better assisted by any one in those difficulties which, as was apparent to
all, were likely to fall upon him. For Lysimachus, Seleucus, and Ptolemy, now
powerful in resources, were assuming a threatening attitude, and he would be
obliged to contend with them for supremacy. But those who were about him
would not allow of such clemency; for they saw that if Eumenes were admitted
to his councils, they themselves would be of small account in comparison with
him. As for Antigonus himself, he had been so incensed against him, that he
could never have been induced to relent, except by a strong expectation of eminent
services from him. XI. When he had committed
him to custody, therefore, and the commander of the guard inquired how he
would have him kept, he replied, "As the most furious lion, or the most
savage elephant;" for he had not then determined whether he should spare
his life or not. Meanwhile two classes of people crowded to gaze upon
Eumenes, those who, from hatred of him, wished to feast their eyes 203
on his degradation and those who, from old friendship, desired to speak with
him and console him. Many also came with them who were anxious to look at his
person, and to see what sort of man he was whom they had feared so long and
so much, and in whose destruction they had placed their hopes of victory. But
Eumenes, when he had been some time under confinement, said to Onomarchus, in
whose hands the chief command of the guard was, that "he wondered why he
was thus kept a third day: for that it was not consistent with prudence on the
part of Antigonus to treat 204
one whom he had conquered in such a |404
manner, but that he should order him either to be put to death or
released." As he seemed to Onomarchus to express himself somewhat
arrogantly, he replied, "Why, if you were of such a spirit, did you not
rather die on the field of battle, than fall into the hands of your
enemy?" "Would indeed that that had befallen me," rejoined
Eumenes, "but it did not happen because I never engaged with a stouter
than myself; for I have never crossed swords with any one who did not yield
to me; and I have not fallen by the prowess of my enemies, but by the perfidy
of my friends.'' Nor was this assertion false; for he was a man not only of a
graceful 205
and dignified bearing, but of strength sufficient for enduring fatigue; yet
he was not so much distinguished for tallness of person as for handsomeness
of shape. XII. As Antigonus would
not venture alone to determine concerning him, he referred the decision to a
council; where, when almost all the officers, in great excitement, expressed
their surprise that death had not been already inflicted on a man by whom
they had been harassed so many years, so severely that they were often
reduced to despair, a man who had cut off leaders of the greatest eminence;
and in whom, though but a single individual, there was so much to be dreaded,
that as long as he lived they could not think themselves safe, while, if he
were put to death, they would have no further anxiety; and in conclusion they
asked Antigonus, "if he gave Eumenes his life, what friends he would
employ? for that they would not act under him with
Eumenes." After thus learning the sentiments of the council, he
nevertheless took time for consideration till the seventh day following;
when, being afraid that a mutiny might break out in the army, he gave orders
that no one should be admitted to Eumenes, and that his daily food should be
withheld; for he said that "he would offer no personal violence to a man
who had once been his friend." Eumenes, however, after suffering from
hunger not more than three days, was killed by his guards on the removal of the
camp, without Antigonus's knowledge. |405
XIII. Thus Eumenes, at the
age of five-and-forty years, after having attended on Philip, as we have
shown above, for seven years from the age of twenty, and having held the same
office under Alexander for thirteen years, during one of which he had
commanded a troop of cavalry; and after having, subsequently to Alexander's
death, conducted armies as commander in-chief, and having sometimes repelled
and sometimes cut off the most eminent generals, being made prisoner, not by
the ability of Antigonus, but by the perjury of the Macedonians, ended his
life in this manner.206
How great awe was entertained of him by all those who were styled kings after
the death of Alexander the Great, may be easily judged from the following
fact, that no one of them, while Eumenes lived, was called a king, but only a
governor; but that, after his death, they at once assumed the regal dress and
title; nor did they care to perform what they had originally promised,
namely, to guard the throne for Alexander's children; but, as soon as the
only defender of the children was removed, they disclosed what their real
views were. In this iniquity the leaders were Antigonus, Ptolemy, Seleucus,
Lysimachus, and Cassander. Antigonus gave the dead
body of Eumenes to his relations for burial; and they interred him with a
military and magnificent funeral, and took care that his bones should he
conveyed to Cappadocia to his mother, wife, and children. Phocion better known for
his virtues than his military achievements, I.----In his old age he incurred
the displeasure of his countrymen on various accounts, II.----Is exiled; his pleading
before Philip; is sent back to Athens, III.----Is condemned at Athens, and
put to death there, IV. I. THOUGH Phocion the
Athenian was often at the head of armies, and held the most important
commands, yet the blamelessness of his life is much better known than his
exertions in war. Of the one, accordingly, there is no recollection,207
|406 but of the other the fame
is great; and hence he was surnamed The Good. He was always poor, though he
might have been extremely rich, by reason of the numerous offices conferred
upon him, and the high commissions given him by the people. When he refused
the present of a large sum of money from King Philip, and Philip's
ambassadors urged him to receive it, and at the same time reminded him, that
if he himself could easily do without it, he should nevertheless have some
regard for his children, for whom it would be difficult, in the depth of
poverty, to act up to the high character of their father, he gave them this
answer: "If my children be like me, this same little farm, which has
enabled me to reach my present eminence, will maintain them; but if they
prove unlike me, I should not wish their luxury to be supported and increased
at my expense." II. After fortune had
continued favourable to him almost to his eightieth year, he fell, towards
the close of his life, into great unpopularity with his countrymen. In the
first place, he had acted in concert with Demades in delivering up the city
to Antipater; and, by his suggestions, Demosthenes and others, who were
thought to deserve well of their country, had been sent into banishment by a
decree of the people. Nor had he given offence only in this respect, that he
had ill consulted the interest of his country, but also in not having
observed the obligations of friendship; for though he had risen to the
eminence which he then held through being supported and aided by Demosthenes,
when he furnished him with means of defence against Chares,208
and though he had several times come off with acquittal on trials, when he
had to plead for his life, through having been defended by Demosthenes, he
not only did not take the part of Demosthenes when he was in peril, but even
betrayed him. But his fate was decided chiefly on one charge, that, when the
supreme government of the state was in his hands, and he was warned by
Dercyllus that Nicanor, the prefect of Cassander, was |407 forming designs upon the Piraeeus, and
Dercyllus begged him, at the same time, to take care that the city should not
want provisions, Phocion told him in the hearing of the people, that there
was no danger, and engaged to be security for the truth of his statement; whereas
Nicanor, not long after, became master of the Piraeeus; and when the people
assembled under arms to defend that harbour, without which Athens could not
at all subsist, Phocion not only did not call any body to arms, but would not
even take the command of those who were armed. III. There were at that
period in Athens two parties, one of which espoused the cause of the people,
and the other that of the aristocracy; to the latter Phocion and Demetrius
Phalereus were attached. Each of them relied on the support of the
Macedonians; for the popular party favoured Polysperchon, and the aristocracy
took the side of Cassander. After a time Cassander was driven from Macedonia
by Polysperchon; and the people, in consequence, getting the superiority,
immediately expelled from their country the leaders of the opposite faction,
after they had been capitally convicted;209
and among them Phocion and Demetrius Phalereus; and they then sent a deputation
on the subject to Polysperchon, to request him to confirm their decrees.
Phocion went to him at the same time, and as soon as he arrived he was
summoned to plead his cause, nominally before King Philip,210
but in reality before Polysperchon; for he at that time held the direction of
the king's affairs. Being accused by Agnonides 211
of having betrayed the Piraeeus to Nicanor, and being thrown, by order of the
council, into confinement, he was then conveyed to Athens, that a trial might
there be held upon him according to law. IV. On his arrival, as he
was weak in his feet through age, and was brought to the city in a carriage,
great crowds of people gathered about him, of whom some, calling to mind his
former reputation, expressed commiseration for his declining |408 years but the greater number were
violently exasperated against him, from the suspicion that he had betrayed
the Piraeeus, but especially because he had opposed the interest of the
people in his old age. Hence not even the liberty of making a speech, and of
pleading his cause, was granted him, but being forthwith sentenced to death,
after some formalities of law had been despatched, he was delivered over to
the eleven,212
to whom public criminals, by the custom of the Athenians, are wont to be
consigned. As he was being led to execution, Emphyletus, a man with whom he
had been very intimate, met him, and having exclaimed, with tears, "O
what unworthy treatment you suffer, Phocion!" Phocion rejoined,
"But not unexpected, for most of the famous men of Timoleon delivers Corinth
from the tyranny of his brother, and causes him to be put to death, I.----He expels Dionysius the younger from Sicily; defeats
Hicetas; overcomes the Carthaginians, II.----After settling affairs in
Sicily, he lays down the government, III.----He loses his sight from old age,
but still attends to the interests of his country; builds a temple to
Fortune, IV.----Instances of his patience; his death, V. I. TIMOLEON of Corinth was
doubtless a great man in the opinion of everybody, since it happened to him
alone (for I know not that it happened to any one else),213
to deliver his country, in which he was born, from the oppression of a
tyrant, to banish a long established slavery from Syracuse (to the assistance
of which he had been sent), and, on his arrival, |409
to restore Sicily, which had been disturbed by war for many years, and
harassed by barbarians,214
to its former condition. But in these undertakings he struggled not with one
kind of fortune only, and, what is thought the more difficult, he bore good
much more discreetly than evil fortune; for when his brother Timophanes, on
being chosen general by the Corinthians, had made himself absolute by the aid
of his mercenary troops, and Timoleon himself might have shared the
sovereignty with him, he was so far from taking part in his guilt, that he
preferred the liberty of his countrymen to the life of his brother, and
thought it better to obey the laws of his country than to rule over his country.
With this feeling, he contrived to have his brother the tyrant put to death
by a certain augur, a man connected with them both, as their sister by the
same parents 215
was married to him. He himself not only did not put his hand to the work, but
would not even look upon his brother's blood; for, until the deed was done,
he kept himself at a distance on the watch, lest any of his brother's guards
should come to his aid. This most noble act of his was not equally approved
by all; for some thought that natural affection had been violated by him, and
endeavoured, from envy, to lessen the praise of his virtue. His mother,
indeed, after this proceeding, would neither admit her son into her house,
nor look upon him, but, uttering imprecations against him, called him a
fratricide, and destitute of natural feeling. With this treatment he was so
much affected, that he was sometimes inclined to put an end to his life, and
withdraw himself by death from the sight of his ungrateful fellow-creatures. II. In the meantime, after
Dion was assassinated at III. Having achieved these
objects, and seeing not only the lands, but also the cities, deserted through
the long continuance of the war, he assembled, in the first place, as many
Sicilians as he could, and then sent for settlers also from Corinth, because
it was by the Corinthians that Syracuse had been originally founded. He gave
back to the old inhabitants their own lands, and divided such estates as had
lost their owners in the war, among the new colonists; he repaired the
dilapidated walls of the cities, and the neglected temples;216
he restored their laws and liberties to the several communities, and, after a
most destructive war, established such tranquillity through the whole island,
that he, and not those who had brought colonists thither at first, might have
been thought the founder of those cities. The citadel of Though he was possessed of
so much influence that he |411
might have ruled the Syracusans even against their will, and though he had so
strongly gained the affection of all the Sicilians that he might have assumed
supreme power without opposition from any one, he chose rather to be loved
than to be feared. He therefore laid down his authority as soon as he could,
and lived as a private person at IV. When he was advanced
in age he lost the sight of his eyes, without any apparent disease in them; a
misfortune which he bore with so much patience, that neither did any one ever
hear him complain, nor did he take a less part in private and public
business. He used to come to the theatre,217
when any assembly of the people was held there, riding in a carriage by
reason of his infirmity, and used to state from the vehicle what he thought
proper. Nor did any one impute this to pride; for nothing arrogant or
boastful ever came out of his mouth. Indeed when he heard his praises
repeated, he never made any other observation than that "he paid and
felt the utmost gratitude to the immortal gods for this favour, that when
they had resolved on regenerating Sicily, they had appointed him, above all
others, to be the leader to execute their will." For he thought that
nothing in human affairs was done without the directing power of the gods;
and he therefore erected a temple to Fortune 218
in his own house, and used to worship at it most religiously. V. To this eminent virtue
in his character were added certain wonderful incidents in his life; for he
fought all his most remarkable battles on his birth-day; and hence it |412 happened that all The Spartan kings, kings
only in name; the most eminent kings of Persia, I.----The greatest kings of
Macedonia; the only great sovereign of Sicily, II.----The kings that arose
after the death of Alexander the Great, III. I. THESE were almost all
the generals of Greece 221
that seemed worthy of record, except kings, for we would not treat of them,
because the actions of them all are narrated separately;222
nor are they indeed very numerous. As for |413
Agesilaus the Lacedaemonian, he was a king in name, not in power, just like
the other Spartan kings. But of those who were sovereigns with absolute
authority, the most eminent were, as we think, Cyrus, king of the Persians,
and Darius, the son of Hystaspes, both of whom, originally in a private
station, obtained thrones by merit. The first of these was killed in battle
among the Massagetae; Darius died a natural death at an advanced age. There
are also three others of the same nation; Xerxes and the two Artaxerxes,
Macrochir and Mnemon.223
The most remarkable act of Xerxes was, that he made war upon II. Of the nation of the
Macedonians, two kings far excelled the rest in renown for their
achievements; Philip, the son of Amyntas, and Alexander the Great. One of
these was cut off by a disease at III. There arose also some
great kings from among the followers of Alexander the Great, who assumed
regal authority alter his death. Among these were
Antigonus, and his son Demetrius, Lysimachus, Seleucus, and Ptolemy; of whom
Antigonus was killed in battle, when he was fighting against Seleucus and
Lysimachus; and Lysimachus was cut off in a similar way by Seleucus, for the
alliance between the two being broken, they went to war with one another.
Demetrius, after he had given his daughter to Seleucus in marriage, and yet
the alliance between them could not be maintained the more faithfully on that
account, was taken prisoner in battle, and died of some disease, the
father-in-law in the custody of his son-in-law. Not long after, Seleucus was
treacherously killed by Ptolemy Ceraunus, whom he had entertained, when he
was expelled by his father from But, as we think that
sufficient has been said concerning these, it seems proper not to omit
Hamilcar and Hannibal, who, as is agreed, surpassed all the natives of Africa
in power and subtilty of intellect. |415
Hamilcar's success in
Sicily; his defence of Eryx, and honourable capitulation, I.----His
suppression of the rebellion raised by the Carthaginian mercenaries, II.----He
takes his son Hannibal with him into Spain, and his son-in-law Hasdrubal,
III.----Is killed in battle in Spain, IV. I. HAMILCAR the
Carthaginian, the son of Hannibal, and surnamed Barcas, began in the first
Punic war, but towards the end of it, to hold the command of the army in
Sicily; and though, before his coming, the efforts of the Carthaginians were
unsuccessful both by sea and land, he, after he arrived, never gave way to
the enemy,226
or afforded them any opportunity of doing him harm, but, on the contrary,
often attacked the foe when occasion presented itself, and always came off
with the advantage. Afterwards, though the Carthaginians had lost almost
every place in II. Catulus yielded to his
resolution. But Hamilcar, when he arrived at Carthage, found the republic in
a far different condition than he had expected; for, through the long continuance
of foreign troubles, so violent a rebellion had broken out at home, that
Carthage was never in such danger, except when it was actually destroyed. In
the first place, the mercenary troops, who had served against the Romans, and
the number of whom amounted to twenty thousand, revolted; and these drew the
whole of Africa over to their side, and laid siege to III. These objects being
executed according to his desire, he then, by dint of a spirit confident and
incensed against the Romans, contrived, in order more easily to find a
pretext for going to war with them, to be sent as commander-in-chief with an
army into Spain, and took with him thither his son Hannibal, then nine years
old. There also accompanied him a young man named Hasdrubal, a person of high
birth and great beauty, who, as some said, was beloved by Hamilcar with less
regard to his character than was becoming; for so great a man could not fail
to have slanderers. Hence it happened that Hasdrubal was forbidden by the
censor of public morals |417
to associate with him; but Hamilcar then gave him his daughter in marriage,
because, according to their usages, a son-in-law could not be interdicted the
society of his father-in-law. We have inserted this notice of Hasdrubal,
because, after Hamilcar was killed, he took the command of the army, and
achieved great exploits; and he was also the first that corrupted the ancient
manners of the Carthaginians by bribery. After his death IV. Hamilcar, however,
after he had crossed the sea, and arrived in Spain, executed some great
undertakings with excellent success; he subdued some very powerful and
warlike nations, and supplied all Africa with horses, arms, men, and money.
But as he was meditating to carry the war into His constant hatred to the
Romans seems to have been the chief cause of producing the second Punic war;
for Hannibal, his son, was so wrought upon by the continual instigations of
his father, that he would have chosen to die rather than not make trial of
the Romans. Hannibal, the greatest of
generals, suffers from the envy of his countrymen, I.----Was the deadly enemy
of the Romans, II.----He reduces Spain; besieges Saguntum; crosses the Alps,
III.----His successful battles in Italy, IV.----His further proceedings in
that country, V.----Is recalled to the defence of his country, and defeated
by Scipio, VI.----Quits his country, and seeks refuge with Antiochus,
VII.----Endeavours in vain to excite his countrymen to war; defeats the
Rhodians, VIII.----Eludes the avarice of the Cretans, IX.----Stirs up Prusias
against the Romans, X.----His stratagem in contending with Eumenes,
XI.----Commits suicide to escape being delivered to the Romans. XII.----His attachment to literature, XIII. I. HANNIBAL was the son of
Hamilcar, and a native of II. To say nothing of
Philip,229
whom he rendered an enemy to the Romans, though at a distance from him,
Antiochus was the most powerful of all kings at that period; and him he so
inflamed with a desire for war, that he endeavoured to bring troops against
Italy even from the Red Sea.230
As some ambassadors from Rome were sent to that prince, in order to gain
information respecting his intentions, and to endeavour, by underhand
contrivances, to render Hannibal an object of suspicion to the king (as if,
being bribed by them, he entertained other sentiments than before); and as
they were not unsuccessful in their attempts, and Hannibal became aware of
that fact, and found himself excluded from the privy council, he went at a
time appointed to the king himself, and, after having said much concerning
his attachment to him and his hatred to the Romans, he added the following
statement: "My father Hamilcar," said he, "when I was a very
little boy, being not more than nine years old, offered sacrifices at Carthage,
when he was going as commander into Spain, to Jupiter, the best and greatest
of the gods; and while this religious ceremony was being performed, he asked
me whether I should like to go with him to the camp. As I willingly
expressed my consent, and proceeded to beg him not to hesitate to take me, he
replied, 'I will do so, if you will give me the promise which I ask
of you.' At the same time he led me to the altar at which he had begun to
sacrifice, and, sending the rest of the company away, required me, taking
hold of the altar, to swear |419
that I would never be in friendship with the Romans, This oath, thus
taken before my father, I have so strictly kept even to this day, that no man
ought to doubt but that I shall be of the same mind for the rest of my life.
If, therefore, you entertain any friendly thoughts towards the Romans, you
will not act imprudently if you conceal them from me; but whenever you
prepare war, you will disappoint yourself unless you constitute me leader in
it." III. At this age,
accordingly, he accompanied his father into Hannibal being thus made
commander-in-chief, at the age of five-and-twenty, subdued in war, during the
next three years, all the nations of Spain, took Saguntum, a city in alliance
with the Romans, by storm, and collected three vast armies, of which he sent
one into Africa, left another with his brother Hasdrubal in Spain, and took
the third with him into Italy. He made his way through the forests of the IV. On the banks of the V. After fighting this
battle, he marched towards VI. Being recalled,
without having suffered any defeat, to defend his country, he maintained a
war with the son of that Publius Scipio whom he had routed first on the
Rhone, again on the Po, and a third time on the Trebia. As the resources of
his country were now exhausted, he wished, by a treaty with him, to put a
stop to the war for a time, in order that he might engage in it afterwards
with greater vigour. He came to a conference with him, but the conditions
were not agreed upon. A few days after this meeting, he came to battle with
Scipio at Zama; and being defeated (incredible to relate! ) he made his way
to Adrumetum, which is about three hundred miles 235
from Zama, in two days and two nights. In the course of his retreat, some
Numidians, who had left the field in his company, formed a conspiracy against
him; however he not only escaped them, but deprived them of life. At
Adrumetum he assembled those who had survived the defeat, and, with the aid
of new levies, drew together, in a few days, a numerous force. VII. While he was most
vigorously engaged in preparing for action, the Carthaginians made an end of
the war by a treaty with the Romans. He had nevertheless afterwards the
command of the army, and continued to act, as well as his brother Mago, in
Africa, until the time when Publius Sulpicius and Caius Aurelius became
consuls; for, during their term of office, ambassadors from Carthage went to
Rome, to thank the Roman senate and people for having made peace with |422 them, and to present them, on that
account, with a crown of gold, requesting, at the same time, that their
hostages might reside at Fregellae,236
and that their prisoners might be restored. An answer was made them, by a
resolution of the senate, that "their present was acceptable and
welcome, and that their hostages should live in the place which they desired,
but that they would not restore the prisoners, because the Carthaginians
retained Hannibal, by whose acts the war had been occasioned, and who was the
bitterest of enemies to the name of Rome, in command of the army, as also his
brother Mago." The Carthaginians, on hearing this answer, recalled
Hannibal and Mago home. When he returned, he was made praetor, 237
in the two-and-twentieth year after he had been appointed king; 238
for, as consuls are elected at In the year after his
praetorship, when Marcus Claudius and Lucius Furius were consuls, ambassadors
from Rome came again to Carthage; and Hannibal, supposing that they were sent
to demand that he should be delivered to the Romans, went secretly, before an
audience of the senate was given them, on board a vessel, and fled into Syria
to Antiochus. His departure being made public, the Carthaginians sent two
ships to seize him, if they could overtake him. His property they
confiscated; his house they razed to its foundations; and himself they
declared an outlaw. VIII. In the third year, however,
after he had fled from home, and in the consulship of Lucius Cornelius and
Quintus Minucius, Hannibal landed with five ships in Africa, on the coast of
the Cyrenaeans, to try if he could move the Carthaginians to war, by giving
them hope and confidence in Antiochus, |423
whom he had now persuaded to proceed with his forces to Italy. Thither he
summoned his brother Mago; and, when the Carthaginians knew of the
circumstance, they inflicted on Mago the same penalties as they had laid on his absent brother. When they had let loose their
vessels, and sailed off, in despair of success, Antiochus, if he had been
as ready to obey Hannibal's advice in conducting the war as he had resolved
to be when he undertook it, might have fought for the empire of the world
nearer the Tiber than IX. After Antiochus was
put to flight,241
Hannibal, fearing that he should be delivered to the Romans (an event which
would doubtless have come to pass, if he had given the king an opportunity of
securing him), went off to the people of Gortyn, in Crete, that he might
there consider in what place he should settle himself. But, as he was the
most perspicacious of all men, he saw that unless he took some precautions, he
should be in great danger from the covetousness of the Cretans; for he
carried with him a large sum of money, of which he knew that a report had
gone abroad. He therefore adopted the following contrivance; he filled
several pots with lead, covering the upper part with gold and silver, and
deposited them, in the presence of the leading men 242,
in the temple of Diana, pretending that he trusted his fortune to |424 their honesty. Having thus deceived
them, he filled the whole of some brazen statues, which he carried with him,
with his money, and threw them down in an open place at his own residence.
The Gortynians, meanwhile, guarded the temple with extreme care, not so much
against others as against Hannibal himself, lest he should remove any thing
without their knowledge, and carry it off with him. X. The Carthaginian,
having thus saved his property, and deceived all the Cretans, went into
Pontus to Prusias, with whom he showed himself of the same mind as to Italy;
for he did nothing but excite the king to arms, and animate him against the
Romans, and seeing that he was not at all strong in domestic resources, he
induced other princes to join him, and united warlike nations on his side.
Eumenes, king of Pergamus, was at variance with Prusias, and war was
maintained between them by sea and land, for which reason XI. After this exhortation
was given to the soldiers, the fleets were brought out for action by both
parties. When the line of each was formed, and before the signal was given
for battle, Hannibal, in order to show his men where Eumenes was, despatched
to him a letter-carrier in a boat with a herald's staff; who, when he reached
the enemy's line of |425
vessels, held out a letter, and signified that he was looking for the king;
he was therefore immediately taken to Eumenes, because nobody doubted that
there was something written in the letter relating to peace. The messenger,
having thus made the king's ship known to his party, returned to the same
place from which he had come. Eumenes, on opening the letter, found nothing
in it but what was meant to ridicule him; and though he wondered as to the
motive of it, and none could be discovered, yet he did not hesitate to come
at once to battle. In the conflict, the Bithynians, according to the
direction of XII. While these
transactions were taking place in Asia, it happened accidentally at Rome that
certain ambassadors from Prusias took supper at the house of Lucius Quintius
Flamininus, one of the consuls; and there, as mention was made of Hannibal,
one of them observed that he was in the dominions of Prusias. This
information Flamininus communicated the next day to the senate. The conscript
fathers, who thought that they would never be free from plots as long as
Hannibal was alive, sent ambassadors to Bithynia, and among them Flamininus,
to request the king not to keep their bitterest enemy with him, but to
deliver him up to them. To this embassy Prusias did not dare to give a refusal;
he made some opposition, however, to one point, begging them |426 not to require of him 243
what was contrary to the rights of hospitality, saying that they themselves
might make Hannibal prisoner, if they could, as they would easily find out
the place where he was. Hannibal indeed confined himself to one place, living
in a fortress which had been given him by the king; and this he had so
constructed that it had outlets on every side of the building, always fearing
lest that should happen which eventually came to
pass. When the Roman ambassadors had gone thither, and had surrounded his
house with a number of men, a slave, looking out at a gate, told Hannibal
that several armed men were to be seen, contrary to what was usual. XIII. Thus this bravest of
men, after having gone through many and various labours, found repose in the
seventieth year of his age. Under what consuls he died, is not agreed; for
Atticus has left it recorded in his chronicle that he ended his life in the
consulship of Marcus Claudius Marcellus and Quintus Fabius Labeo; but
Polybius says in that of Lucius Aemilius Paullus and Cnaeus Baebius Tamphilus;
and Sulpicius in that of Publius Cornelius Cethegus and Marcus Baebius
Tamphilus. This great man, though
occupied in such vast military operations, devoted some portion of his time to
literature; for there are some books of his written in the Greek language,
and amongst them one addressed to the Rhodians on the acts of Cnaeus Manlius
Vulso in Asia. Of the wars which he
conducted many have given the history; and two of them were persons that were
with him in the camp, and lived with him as long as fortune allowed, |427 Silenus and Sosilus the Lacedaemonian;
and this Sosilus Hannibal had as his instructor in the Greek language. But it
is now time to make an end of this book, and to give an account of commanders
among the Romans, that, when the actions of both are compared, it may be the
better determined which generals deserve the preference. FROM THE SECOND BOOK OF CORNELIUS NEPOS.
Cato's birth, youth, and
the offices that he held, I.----His consulship in Hither Spain; his severity
as censor, II.----His eulogy; his studies and writings, III. I. CATO,244
born in the municipal town of II. He held the consulship
with Lucius Valerius Flaccus, and had by lot Hither Spain for his province,
from which he gained a triumph. As he stayed there a long time, Publius
Scipio Africanus, when consul for the second time, wanted to remove him from
his province, and to succeed him himself, but was unable, through the senate,
to effect that object, even though he then possessed the greatest authority
in the state; for the government was then conducted, not with regard for
personal influence, but according to justice. Being displeased with the
senate on this account, Scipio, after his consulship was ended, remained in
the city as a private person.247
Cato, being made censor
with the Flaccus above mentioned, exercised that office with severity; for he
inflicted penalties on many noblemen, and introduced many new regulations
into his edict,248
by means of which luxury, which was even then beginning to germinate, might
be repressed. For about eighty years,249
from his youth to the end of his life, he never ceased to incur enmity in
behalf of the commonwealth. Though attacked by many,250
he not only suffered no loss of character, but increased in reputation for
virtue as long as he lived. III. In all his pursuits
he gave proofs of singular intelligence and industry; for he was a skilful
agriculturist, well-informed in political affairs, experienced in the law, an
|429 eminent, commander, a
respectable orator. He was also much devoted to literature, and though he had
entered on the study of it at an advanced age, yet he made such progress in
it, that you could not easily discover anything, either in Grecian or Italian
history, that was unknown to him. From his youth he composed speeches. In his
old age he began to write his Histories, of which there are ten books. The
first contains the acts of the kings of Rome; the second and third show from
whence each Italian state had its rise, for which reason he seems to have
called the whole body of them Origines; in the fourth is related the
first Carthaginian war; in the fifth the second; and all these subjects are
treated in a summary way. Other wars he has narrated in a similar manner,
down to the praetorship of Lucius Galba, who spoiled the Lusitanians. The
leaders in these wars, however, he has not named, but has stated the facts
without the names. In the same books he has given an account of whatever
seemed remarkable in Of his life and manners we
have spoken more at large in the book which we wrote expressly concerning him
at the request of Titus Pomponius Atticus; and we therefore refer those who
would know Cato to that volume. |430
Birth, talents, and
education of Atticus, I. TITUS POMPONIUS
ATTICUS, descended from a most ancient Roman family,251
held the equestrian rank received in uninterrupted succession from his
ancestors. He had a father who was active, indulgent, and, as times then
were, wealthy, as well as eminently devoted to literature; and, as he loved
learning himself, he instructed his son in all branches of knowledge with
which youth ought to be made acquainted. In the boy, too, besides docility of
disposition, there was great sweetness of voice, so that he not only imbibed
rapidly what was taught him, but repeated it extremely well. He was in
consequence distinguished among his companions in his boyhood, and shone
forth with more lustre than his noble fellow-students could patiently bear;
hence he stirred them all to new exertions by his
application. In the number of them were Lucius Torquatus, Caius Marius the
younger, and Marcus Cicero, whom he so attached to himself by his intercourse
with them, that no one was ever more dear to them. II. His father died at an
early age. He himself, in his youth, on account of his connexion with Publius
Sulpicius, who |431 was killed when tribune
of the people, was not unapprehensive of sharing in his danger; for Anicia,
Pomponius's cousin, was married to Marcus Servius, the brother of Sulpicius.
When he saw that the state, therefore, after the death of Sulpicius, was
thrown into confusion by the disturbances of Cinna, and that no facility was
allowed him of living suitably to his dignity without offending one side or
the other (the feelings of the citizens being divided, as some favoured the
party of Sulla and others that of Cinna) he thought it a proper time for
devoting himself to his studies, and betook himself to Athens. He
nevertheless, however, assisted young Marius, when declared an enemy, by such
means as he could, and relieved him in his exile with money. And, lest his
sojourn in a foreign country should cause any detriment to his estate, he
transported thither a great portion of his fortune. Here he lived in such a
manner, that he was deservedly much beloved by all the Athenians; for, in
addition to his interest, which was great for so young a man, he relieved
their public exigencies from his own property; since, when the government was
obliged to borrow money,252
and had no fair offer of it, he always came to their aid, and in such a way,
that he never received any interest of them, and never allowed them to be
indebted to him longer than had been agreed upon; both which modes of acting
were for their advantage, for he neither suffered their debt to grow old upon
them, nor to be increased by an accumulation of interest. He enhanced this
kindness also by other instances of liberality; for he presented the whole of
the people with such a supply of corn, that seven modii 253
of wheat (a kind of measure which is called a medimnus at III. He also conducted
himself in such a way, that he appeared familiar
with the lowest, though on a level with the highest. Hence it happened that
they publicly bestowed upon him all the honours that they could, and offered
to make him a citizen of Athens; an offer which he would not accept, because
some are of opinion that the citizenship of Rome is forfeited by taking that
of another city. As long as he was among them, he prevented any statue from
being erected to him; but when absent, he could not hinder it; and they
accordingly raised several statues both to him and Phidias,254
in the most sacred places, for, in their whole management of the state, they
took him for their agent and adviser. It was the gift of fortune, then, in
the first place, that he was born in that city, above all others, in which
was the seat of the empire of the world, and had it not only for his native
place but for his home; and, in the next, it was a proof of his wisdom, that
when he betook himself to a city which excelled all others in antiquity,
politeness, and learning, he became individually dear to it beyond other men.
IV. When Sulla arrived at
Athens in his journey from Asia, he kept Pomponius in his company as long as
he remained there, being charmed with the young man's politeness and
knowledge; for he spoke Greek so well that he might have been thought to have
been born at Athens; while there was such agreeableness in his Latin style,
as to make it evident that the graces of it were natural, not acquired. He
also recited verses, both in Greek and Latin, in so pleasing a manner that
nothing could have been added to its attractions. It was in consequence of
these accomplishments that Sulla would never suffer him to be out of his
company, and wanted to take him away with him to Though he resided at
Athens many years, paying such attention to his property as a not unthrifty
father of a family ought to pay, and devoting all the rest of his time either
to literature or to the public affairs of the Athenians, he nevertheless
afforded his services to his friends at Rome; for he used to come to their
elections, and whatever important business of theirs was brought forward, he
was never found wanting on the occasion. Thus he showed a singular fidelity
to V. He had an uncle,
Quintus Caecilius, a Roman knight, an intimate friend of Lucius Lucullus, a
rich man, but of a very morose temper, whose peevishness he bore so meekly,
that he retained without interruption, to the extremity of old age, the good
will of a person whom no one else could endure. In consequence, he reaped the
fruit of his respectful conduct; for Caecilius, at his death, adopted him by
his will, and made him heir to three-fourths of his estate, from which
bequest he received about ten thousand sestertia.256
A sister of Atticus was
married to Quintus Tullius Cicero; and Marcus Cicero had been the means of
forming the connexion, a man with whom Atticus had lived in the closest intimacy
from the time that they were fellow-students, in much greater intimacy,
indeed, than with Quintus; whence it may be concluded that, in establishing
friendship, similarity of manners has more influence than affinity. He was
likewise so intimate with Quintus Hortensius, who, in those times, had the
highest reputation for eloquence, that it could not be decided which of the
two had the greater love for him, Cicero or Hortensius; and he succeeded in
effecting what was most |434
difficult, namely, that no enmity should occur between those between whom
there was emulation for such eminence, and that he himself should be the bond
of union between such great men. VI. He conducted himself
in such a manner in political affairs, that he always was, and always was
thought to be, on the best side; 257
yet he did not mingle in civil tumults, because he thought that those who had
plunged into them were not more under their own control than those who were
tossed by the waves of the sea. He aimed at no offices (though they were open
to him as well through his influence as through his high standing), since
they could neither be sought in the ancient method, nor be gained without
violating the laws in the midst of such unrestrained extravagance of bribery,
nor be exercised for the good of the country without danger in so corrupt a
state of the public morals. He never went to a public sale,258
nor ever became surety or farmer in any department of the public revenue.259
He accused no one, either in his own name or as a subscriber to an
accusation.260
He never went to law about property of his own, nor was ever concerned in a
trial. Offers of places, under several consuls and praetors, he received in
such a way as never to follow any one into his province, being content with
the honour, and not solicitous to make any addition to his property; for he
would not even go into Asia with Quintus Cicero, when he might have held the
office of legate under him; for he did not think it became him, after he had
declined to take the praetorship,261
to become the attendant on a praetor. In such conduct he consulted not only |435 his dignity but his quiet; since he
avoided even the suspicion of evil practices. Hence it happened that
attentions received from him 262
were more valued by all, as they saw that they were attributable to kindness,
not to fear or hope. VII. When he was about
sixty years old, the civil war with Caesar broke out; but he availed himself
of the privilege of his age, and went nowhere out of the city. Whatever was
needful for his friends when going to Pompey, he supplied for them out of his
own property. To Pompey himself, who was his intimate friend, he gave no
offence; for he had accepted no distinction from him like others, who had
gained honours or wealth by his means, and of whom some followed his camp
most unwillingly, and some remained at home to his great disgust. But to
Caesar the neutrality of Atticus was so pleasing, that when he became
conqueror, and desired money from several private persons by letter, he not
only forebore to trouble Atticus, but even released, at his request, his
sister's son and Quintus Cicero from Pompey's camp. Thus, by adhering to his
old course of life, he avoided new dangers. VIII. Then followed the
time,263
when, on the assassination of Caesar, the commonwealth seemed to be in the
hands of the Bruti 264
and Cassius, and the whole state turned towards them. Atticus, at that
period, conducted himself towards Brutus in such a way, that that young man
was not in more familiar intercourse with any one of his own age, than with
him who was so advanced in years, and not only paid him the highest honour at
the council, but also at his table. It was projected by some that a private
fund should be formed by the Roman knights for the assassins of Caesar; a
scheme which they thought might easily be accomplished if even only the
leading men of that order would furnish contributions. Atticus was
accordingly solicited by Caius Flavius, an intimate friend of Brutus, to
consent to become a promoter of the plan. But |436
Atticus, who thought that services were to be done to friends without regard
to party, and had always kept himself aloof from such schemes, replied that,
"If Brutus wished to make use of any of his property, he might avail
himself of it as far as it would allow; but that about that project he would
never confer or join with any man." Thus that combination of a party was
broken by his dissent alone. Not long after, IX. Next followed the war
that was carried on at Mutina, 268
in which, if I were only to say that he was wise, I should say less of
him than I ought; for he rather proved himself divine, if a constant
goodness of nature, which is neither increased nor diminished by the events
of fortune, may be called divinity. 269
X. Being under the
guidance of his own judgment, however, he considered 273
rather what it was right for him to do, than |438
what others would commend. On a sudden fortune was changed. When XI. When he had delivered
himself from these troubles, he had no other care than to assist as many
persons as possible, |439
by whatever means he could. When the common people, in consequence of the
rewards offered by the triumvirs, were searching for the proscribed, no one
went into To enumerate all such acts
of his would be difficult; nor are they necessary to
be particularized. One point we would wish to be understood, that his
generosity was not timeserving or artful, as may be judged from the
circumstances and period in which it was shown; for he did not make his court
to the prosperous, but was always ready to succour the distressed. Servilia,
for instance, the mother of Brutus, he treated with no less consideration
after Brutus's death than when she was in the height of good fortune.
Indulging his liberality in such a manner, he incurred no enmities, since he
neither injured any one, nor was he, if he received any injury, more willing
to resent than to forget it. Kindnesses that he received he kept in perpetual
remembrance; but such as he himself conferred, he
remembered only so long as he who had received them was grateful. He
accordingly made it appear, to have been truly said, that "Every man's
manners make his fortune." Yet he did not study his fortune 276
before he formed himself, taking care that he might not justly suffer for any
part of his conduct. XII. By such conduct,
therefore, he brought it to pass, that Marcus Vipsanius Agrippa, who was
united in the closest intimacy with young Caesar, though, through his own
interest and Caesar's influence, he had power to choose a wife from any rank
whatever, fixed on a connexion with him rather than |440
with any other, and preferred a marriage with the daughter of a Roman knight
to an alliance with the most noble of women. The promoter of this match (for
it is not to be concealed) was Mark Antony, when triumvir for settling the
state; but though Atticus might have increased his property by the interest
of Antony, he was so far from coveting money, that he never made use of that
interest except to save his friends from danger or trouble;277
a fact which was eminently remarkable at the time of the proscription; for
when the triumviri, according to the way in which things were then managed,
had sold the property of Lucius Saufeius, a Roman knight, who was of the same
age as Atticus, and who, induced by a love for the study of philosophy, had
lived with him several years at Athens, and had valuable estates in Italy, it
was effected by the efforts and perseverance of Atticus, that Saufeius was
made acquainted by the same messenger, that "he had lost his property
and had recovered it." He also brought off Lucius Julius Calidus, whom I
think I may truly assert to have been the most elegant poet that our age has
produced since the death of Lucretius and Catullus, as well as a man of high
character, and distinguished by the best intellectual accomplishments, who,
in his absence, after the proscription of the knights, had been enrolled in
the number of the proscribed by Publius Volumnius, the captain of Antony's
engineers, on account of his great possessions in Africa; an act on the part
of Atticus, of which it was hard to judge at the time, whether it were more
onerous or honourable. But it was well known that the friends of Atticus, in
times of danger, were not less his care in their absence than when they were
present. XIII. Nor was he
considered less deserving as a master of a family than as a member of the
state; for though he was very rich, no man was less addicted to buying or
building than he. Yet he lived in very good style, and had everything of the
best; for he occupied the house that had belonged to Tamphilus 278
on the Quirinal hill, which was bequeathed to him by his uncle, and the
attractions of which consisted, not in |441
the building itself, but in the wood by which it was surrounded; for the
edifice, constructed after the ancient fashion, showed more regard to
convenience 279
than expense, and Atticus made no alteration in it except such as he was
obliged to make by the effects of time. He kept an establishment of slaves of
the best kind, if we were to judge of it by its utility, but if by its
external show, scarcely coming up to mediocrity; for there were in it
well-taught youths, excellent readers, and numerous transcribers of books,
insomuch that there was not even a footman 280
that could not act in either of those capacities extremely well. Other kinds
of artificers,281
also, such as domestic necessities require, were very good there, yet he had
no one among them that was not born and instructed in his house; all which
particulars are proofs, not only of his self-restraint, but of his attention
to his affairs; for not to desire inordinately what he sees desired by many,
gives proof of a man's moderation; and to procure what he requires by labour
rather than by purchase, manifests no small exertion. Atticus was elegant,
not magnificent; polished, not extravagant; he studied, with all possible care,
neatness, and not profusion. His household furniture was moderate, not
superabundant, but so that it could not be considered as remarkable in either
respect. Nor will I omit the following particular, though I may suppose that
it will be unimportant to some: that though he was a hospitable Roman knight,
and invited, with no want of liberality, men of all ranks to his house, we
know that he was accustomed to reckon from his day-book, as laid out in
current expenses, not more than three thousand asses 282
a |442 month, one month with
another; and we relate this, not as hearsay, but as what we know, for we were
often present, by reason of the intimacy between us, at his domestic arrangements.
XIV. At his banquets no
one ever heard any other entertainment for the ears 283
than a reader; an entertainment which we, for our parts, think in the highest
degree pleasing; nor was there ever a supper at his house without reading of
some kind, that the guests might find their intellect gratified no less than
their appetite, for he used to invite people whose tastes were not at
variance with his own. After a large addition, too, was made to his property,
he made no change in his daily arrangements, or usual way of life, and
exhibited such moderation, that he neither lived unhandsomely, with a fortune
of two thousand sestertia,284
which he had inherited from his father, nor did he, when he had a fortune of
a hundred thousand sestertia,285
adopt a more splendid mode of living than that with which he had commenced,
but kept himself at an equal elevation in both states. He had no gardens, no
expensive suburban or maritime villa, nor any farm except those at Ardea and
Nomentum; and his whole revenue arose from his property in XV. He would neither utter
a falsehood himself, nor could he endure it in others. His courtesies,
accordingly, were paid with a strict regard to veracity, just as his gravity
was mingled with affability; so that it is hard to determine whether his
friends' reverence or love for him were the greater. Whatever he was asked to
do, he did not promise without solemnity,286
for he thought it the part, not of a liberal, but of a light-minded man, to
promise what he would be unable to perform. But in striving to effect what he
had once engaged to do, he used to take so much pains, that he seemed to be |443 engaged, not in an affair entrusted to
him, but in his own. Of a matter which he had once taken in hand, he was
never weary; for he thought his reputation, than which he held nothing more dear, concerned in the accomplishment of it. Hence it
happened that he managed all the commissions 287
of the Ciceros, Cato, Marius, Quintus Hortensius, Aulus Torquatus, and of
many Roman knights besides. It may therefore be thought certain that he
declined business of state, not from indolence, but from judgment. XVI. Of his kindness of
disposition, I can give no greater proof than that, when he was young, he was
greatly liked by Sulla, who was then old, and when he was old, he was much
beloved by Marcus Brutus, then but young; and that with those friends of the
same age as himself, Quintus Hortensius and Marcus Cicero, he lived in such a
manner that it is hard to determine to which age his disposition was best
adapted, though Marcus Cicero loved him above all men, so that not even his
brother Quintus was dearer or more closely united to him. In testimony of
this fact (besides the books in which Cicero mentions him, and which have
been published to the world), there are sixteen books of letters, written to
Atticus, which extend from his consulship to his latter days, and which he
that reads will not much require a regular history of those times; for all
particulars concerning the inclinations of leading men, the faults of the
generals, and the revolutions in the government, are so fully stated in them
that every thing is made clear; and it may be easily concluded that wisdom is
in some degree divination, as Cicero not only predicted that those things
would happen which took place during his life, but foretold, like a prophet,
the things which are coming to pass at present. XVII. Of the affectionate
disposition of Atticus towards his relatives, why should I say much, since I
myself heard him proudly assert, and with truth, at the funeral of his
mother, whom he buried at the age of ninety, that "he had never had
occasion to be reconciled to his mother," 288
and that "he had never been at all at variance with his sister,"
who was nearly of the |444
same age with himself; a proof that either no cause of complaint had happened
between them, or that he was a person of such kind feelings towards his
relatives, as to think it an impiety to be offended with those whom he ought
to love. Nor did he act thus from nature alone, though we all obey her, but
from knowledge; for he had fixed in his mind the precepts of the greatest
philosophers, so as to use them for the direction of his life, and not merely
for ostentation. XVIII. He was also a
strict imitator of the customs of our ancestors, and a lover of antiquity, of
which he had so exact a knowledge, that he has illustrated it throughout in
the book in which he has characterized 289
the Roman magistrates; for there is no law, or peace, or war, or illustrious
action of the Roman people, which is not recorded in it at its proper period,
and, what was extremely difficult, he has so interwoven in it the origin of
families, that we may ascertain from it the pedigrees of eminent men. He has
given similar accounts too, separately, in other books; as, at the request of
Marcus Brutus, he specified in order the members of the Junian family, from
its origin to the present age, stating who each was, from whom sprung, what
offices he held, and at what time. In like manner, at the request of
Marcellus Claudius, he gave an account of the family of the Marcelli; at the request
of Scipio Cornelius and Fabius Maximus, of that of the Fabii and Aemilii;
than which books nothing can be more agreeable to those who have any desire
for a knowledge of the actions of illustrious men. He attempted also poetry,
in order, we suppose, that he might not be without experience of the pleasure
of writing it; for he has characterized in verse such men as excelled the
rest of the Roman people in honour and the greatness of their achievements,
so that he has narrated, under each of their effigies, their actions and
offices, in not more than four or five lines; and it is almost inconceivable
that such important matters could have been told in so small a space. There
is also a book of his written in Greek, on the consulship of These particulars, so far,
were published by me whilst Atticus was alive. |445
XIX. Since fortune has
chosen that we should outlive him, we will now proceed with the sequel, and
will show our readers by example, as far as we can, that (as we have
intimated above) "it is in general a man's manners that bring him his
fortune."290
For Atticus, though content in the equestrian rank in which he was born,
became united by marriage with the emperor Julius's son, whose friendship he
had previously obtained by nothing else but his elegant mode of living, by
which he had charmed also other eminent men in the state, of equal birth,291
but of lower fortune; for such prosperity attended Caesar, that fortune gave
him everything that she had previously bestowed upon any one, and secured for
him what no citizen of Rome had ever been able to attain. Atticus had a
granddaughter, the daughter of Agrippa, to whom he had married his daughter
in her maidenhood; and Caesar betrothed her, when she was scarcely a year
old, to Tiberius Claudius Nero, son of Drusilla, and step-son to himself; an
alliance which established their friendship, and rendered their intercourse
more frequent. XX. Even before this
connexion, however, Caesar not only, when he was absent from the city, never
despatched letters to any one of his friends without writing to Atticus what
he was doing, what, above all, he was reading, in what place he was, and how
long he was going to stay in it, but even when he was in Rome, and through
his numberless occupations enjoyed the society of Atticus less frequently
than he wished, scarcely any day passed in which he did not write to him,
sometimes asking him something relating to antiquity, sometimes proposing to
him some poetical question, and sometimes, by a jest, drawing from him a
longer letter than ordinary. Hence it was, that when the temple of Jupiter
Feretrius, built in the Capitol by Romulus, was unroofed and falling down
through age and neglect, Caesar, on the suggestion of Atticus, took care that
it should be repaired. Nor was he less
frequently, when absent, addressed in letters by Mark Antony; so that, from
the remotest parts of the earth, he gave Atticus precise information what he
was doing, and what cares he had upon him. How strong such |446 attachment is, he will be easily able
to judge, who can understand how much prudence is required to preserve the
friendship and favour of those between whom there existed not only emulation
in the highest matters, but such a mutual struggle to lessen one another as
was sure to happen between Caesar and Antony, when each of them desired to be
chief, not merely of the city of Rome, but of the whole world. XXI. After he had
completed, in such a course of life, seventy-seven years, and had
advanced, not less in dignity, than in favour and fortune (for he obtained
many legacies on no other account than his goodness of disposition), and had
also been in the enjoyment of so happy a state of health, that he had wanted
no medicine for thirty years, he contracted a disorder of which at first both
himself and the physicians thought lightly, for they supposed it to be a
tenesmus, and speedy and easy remedies were proposed for it; but after he had
passed three months under it without any pain, except what he suffered from
the means adopted for his cure, such force of the disease fell into the one
intestine,292
that at last a putrid ulcer broke out through his loins. Before this took
place, and when he found that the pain was daily increasing, and that fever
was superadded, he caused his son-in-law Agrippa to be called to him, and with
him Lucius Cornelius Balbus and Sextus Peducaeus. When he saw that they were
come, he said, as he supported himself on his elbow, "How much care and
diligence I have employed to restore my health on this occasion, there is no
necessity for me to state at large, since I have yourselves as witneses; and
since I have, as I hope, satisfied you, that I have left nothing undone that
seemed likely to cure me, it remains that I consult for myself. Of this
feeling on my part I had no wish that you should be ignorant; for I have
determined on ceasing to feed the disease; as, by the food and drink that I
have taken during the last few days, I have prolonged life only so as to
increase my pains without hope of recovery. I therefore entreat you, in the
first place, to give your approbation to my resolution, and in the next, not
to labour in vain by endeavouring to dissuade me from executing it." |447 XXII. Having delivered
this address with so much steadiness of voice and countenance, that he seemed
to be removing, not out of life, but out of one house into another,----when
Agrippa, weeping over him and kissing him, entreated and conjured him
"not to accelerate that which nature herself would bring, and, since he
might live some time longer,293
to preserve his life for himself and his friends,"----he put a stop to
his prayers, by an obstinate silence. After he had accordingly abstained from
food for two days, the fever suddenly left him, and the disease began to be
less oppressive. He persisted, nevertheless, in executing his purpose; and in
consequence, on the fifth day after he had fixed his resolution, and on the
last day of February, in the consulship of Cnaeus Domitius and Caius Sosius,
he died.294
His body was carried out of his house on a small couch, as he himself had
directed, without any funereal pomp, all the respectable portion of the
people attending, 295
and a vast crowd of the populace. He was buried close by the FRAGMENTS 296 I.
Words excerpted from the letter of Cornelia, mother of the Gracchi, from the
book of Cornelius Nepos On the Latin Historians.297 You
will say that it is beautiful to take revenge on enemies. That seems
neither greater nor more beautiful to anyone than to me, but <only> if
it is allowed by the safety of the republic to pursue it. But inasmuch
as that cannot be done, for a long time and in many ways our enemies will not
perish, as this is better than that the republic be overthrown and
perish. II. Likewise from another place. I
intend to swear formally that, apart from those who killed Tiberius Gracchus,
no enemy has caused me so many troubles and so many labours as you on account
of these things; you who should, as the only one <surviving> of all
those children whom I had previously, have taken trouble and care that
I should have the fewest anxieties in my old age; certainly you should have
wished that all your actions should be pleasing to me and to consider
it a sin to do things of great importance against my advice, especially when
a small part of life remains to me. Cannot even that brief span aid me
in preventing you from opposing me and ruining the republic? Finally
what end will there be? Will our family ever stop the insanity?
Will it ever be possible to have moderation? Will we ever desist
from causing and suffering trouble? Will we ever be embarrased to
confuse and disturb the republic? But if it is not possible in any way,
when I am dead, campaign for the tribunacy; do
whatever you like, as far as I am concerned, when I am no longer aware of
it. When I am dead, you will make sacrifices at my tomb, and invoke the
parental deity. In that time, will you not be ashamed to ask for the
prayers of those as gods whom living and present you abandoned and
deserted? Jupiter forbid you to persist in
that, or allow such madness to come into your soul. And if you persist,
I fear that you will receive so much trouble in your whole life that it will
never be possible to make peace with yourself. III. Cornelius Nepos, in the book On the Latin
Historians, in praise of You
should not ignore that this 299 is the sole branch of Latin letters
that still cannot be compared with that of the Greeks, but was left rude and
inchoate by the death of IV. Likewise. Opulent
and divine nature, to obtain greater admiration and wider benefit, has chosen
not to give every gift to one man, nor further to deny every gift to anyone. V.
Cornelius Nepos so wrote to ... I
am so far from thinking that philosophy teaches how to live, and the thing
that perfects a blessed life, that I consider no men have more need of
teachers in how to live than most of those who spend their time teaching it.
For I see that a great part of those who lecture most subtly in the schools
on decency and continence themselves live in lusts for every kind of sensual
pleasure. |448
CHRONOLOGICAL SUMMARY OF EVENTS
MENTIONED BY CORNELIUS NEPOS. In this Chronological
Summary such events only are noticed as more immediately concern Cornelius
Nepos. Facts that are not found here may be sought in the Chronology appended
to Justin in this volume, or in general Chronological Tables. The dates are
taken from Tzschucke. B.C. 512. Miltiades sent to the
Chersones. Milt. 1 [Footnotes numbered and
moved to the end] 1. *
Plerosque.] For plurimos. So, a little below, pleraque----sunt
decora, for plurima. 2.
Hoc genus scriptures.] These brief memoirs of eminent men, interspersed
with allusions to national habits and peculiarities. 3.
Tibiis cantasse.] The plural, flutes, is used, because the
Greeks, and the Romans, who adopted the practice from them, played on
different kinds of flutes or pipes, equal and unequal, right and
left-handed, and often on two at once. See Colman's preface to his
translation of Terence; Smith's Classical Dict. art. Tibia; Life of
Epaminondas, c. 2. 4. §
Sororem germanam.] A half-sister by the mother's side was
called soror uterina. Her name was Elpinice. See the Life of Cimon. 5. *
Amatores.] See the Life of Alcibiades, c. 2. Apud Graecos, says Cic. de Rep. fragm. lib. iv., opprobrio
fuit adolescentibus, si amatores non haberent. See
Maxiinus Tyrius, Dissert, viii.----xi.; Potter's
Antiq. of 6. Nulla----vidua----quae
non ad scenam eat mercede conducta.] This is not said with
reference to that period in the history of Sparta when it adhered to the laws
of Lycurgus, under which it was not allowed to witness either comedy or
tragedy, as Plutarch in his Instituta Laconica shows, but to the time
when the ancient discipline and austerity were trodden under foot, and the
state sunk into luxury and effeminacy; a condition of things which took place
under Leonidas and Agis, and chiefly, indeed, through the licentiousness of
the women, if we may credit what Plutarch says in his life of Agis. From the
earliest times, however, according to Aristotle, Polit. ii. 9, the
Spartan women were inclined to live very intemperately and luxuriously, and
Lycurgus endeavoured to subject them to laws, but was obliged to desist,
through the opposition which they made. Hence Plato, also, de Legg. lib. ii., alludes to the a!nesij, laxity, of the Spartan women. ----Buchner.
But with all such explanations the passage is still difficult and
unsatisfactory. Why is a widow particularly
specified? No passage in any ancient author has been found to support this
observation of Nepos, if it be his. What Aristotle says in disparagement of
the Lacedaemonian women is pretty well refuted, as Van Staveren observes, by
Plutarch in his life of Lycurgus, c. 14. Besides, there were no female actors
among the Greeks. For ad scenam Freinshemius (apud Boecler, ad h. 1.)
proposes to read ad coenam, which Gesner approves; Heusinger
conjectures ad lenam. The conjecture of Withof, ad encaenia, compared
with Hor. A. P. 232, Festis matrona moveri jussa diebus, might appear
in some degree plausible, were not e0gkai/nia
a word resting on scarcely any other authority than that of the Septuagint
and ecclesiastical writers; for though it occurs in Quintilian, vii. 2, the
passage is scarcely intelligible, and the reading has generally been thought
unsound. Goerenz, ad Cic. de Fin. ii. 20, would read
quae non ad coenam, eat mercede condictam, i.e. to a supper or banquet
furnished by a general contribution of the guests. But none of these critics
cite any authority in support of their emendations. As to the last, it would
be casting no dishonour upon a noble widow to say that she went to a coena
condicta, for such coena might be among those of her own class.
Nor is the applicability of mercede in such a phrase quite certain. 7.
In scenam prodire et populo esse spectaculo, &c
] Actors are here confounded with the rhapsodists, or reciters of
poetry. Demosthenes, de Corona, upbraids Aeschines as being an actor.----Rinckii Prolegom. in Aem.
Prob. p. xlii. 8. *
This is not true of the Spartan women, for they, who boasted that they alone
were the mothers of men, led a life of less restraint. Besides, by the laws
of Lycurgus, the young women took part in the public exercises.----Rinck. Prolegom. ibid. 9. *
Modestia.] "Good conduct," or "prudence," or
"knowledge how to act," seems to be the true sense of the word.
"Itaque, ut eandem [eu)taci/an]
nos modestiam appellemus, sic definitur a Stoicis, ut modestia sit scientia
earum rerum, quae agentur aut dicentur, suo loco collocandarum: ...
scientia----opportunitatis idoneorum ad agendum temporum. Sed potest esse
eadem prudentiae definitio."----Cic. de
Off. i. 40. 10.
The Thracian Chersonese. But it is to be observed that the author, in this
biography, confounds Miltiades, the son of Cimon, with Miltiades the elder,
the son of Cypselus. It was the latter who settled the colony in the Thracian
Chersonese, and left the sovereignty of it at his death to Stesagoras, the
son of his half-brother Cimon, and brother to Miltiades the younger, who
became governor of it on the death of Stesagoras, being sent out by
Pisistratus for that purpose. 11.
Ex his delecti Delphos deliberatum missi sunt, oui consulerent Apollinem, &c.]
Either deliberatum, or qui consulerent Apollinem, might be
emitted as superfluous. Bos retains both in his text, but suspects the
latter. 12. *
Cum delecta manu.] A body independent of those who were going to
settle in the colony. 13.
Loca castellis idonea communiit.] A late editor absurdly takes castellis
for a dative. Tacit. Ann.
iii. 74: Castella et munitiones idoneis locis imponens. 14. * Dum ipse abesset.] He
fixed, according to Herodotus, a term of sixty days for his absence, on the
expiration of which the guardians of the bridge might depart. 15.
16.
Se oppressa.] If he should be crushed, and the 17. *
Civibus suis poenas daturos.] They would be called to account for
having made themselves tyrants. 18.
The Ionians had rebelled against Persia, to which they had been subject, and,
with some Athenians and Eretrians, had burned 19.
Omnes ejus gentis cives.] That is, all the people of 20. §
9Hmerodro&moi,
"day couriers," who could run a great distance in a day. Ingens
die uno cursu emetientes spatium. Liv. xxxi. 24.
21. *
The text is here in an unsatisfactory state, as all the critics remark, but I
have given what is evidently the sense of the passage. 22. *
Poiki/lh Stoa&,
"the painted portico," as being adorned with pictures on subjects
from Athenian history. 23.
Ad officium redire.] To submit again to the power of the Athenians. 24.
Urbem.] The chief town of the island, bearing the same nama with it. 25. §
See on Sall. Jug. c 37. The testudines were
similar in construction and use to the vineae. 26. ||
Deterrerentur.] They feared the vengeance of the Persians if they
submitted to Miltiades. 27. *
Acharnanam civem.] This is the reading of most, if not all, of the
MSS., and Bos retains it. "Aldus," says Bos, "was the first, I
think, to change Acharnanam into Halicarnassiam, from having
read in Plutarch that Neanthes said Halicarnassus in Caria was the
birth-place of Themistocles's mother. For my part, I am unwilling to give up
the old reading, especially as there is so much uncertainty on the point
among writers." Some make Themistocles the son of a Thracian woman, and
called her Abrotonus, some of a Carian, and called her Euterpe. See Plutarch.
Themist, init. and Athenseus, xiii. 5.
Acharnae was a borough of 28. *
29.
Largitione.] The money was divided, if we listen to Herodotus, vi. 46,
47; vii. 144, among the whole people, ten drachmae to every person of
full-grown age.----Bos. But the division of
it was the act of the people themselves, though it might be promoted by the
influence of some of the leading men. 30. *
Adeo angusto mari.] It was in the strait between the 31.
Interim.] The MSS. and editions are divided between interim and
iterum. Bos prefers the former; Van Staveren the latter. 32.
Pari modo.] Under the same circumstances as at 33. §
Triplex Piraeei portus.] It is acutely shown by Bos that the Piraeeus
was called triple from its containing three stations or basins,
Cantharos, Aphrodision, and Zea. 34. *
By public gods, deos publicos, are meant the deities worshipped
throughout all the states of Greece, as Jupiter, Mercury, &c.; by
national gods, patrios, such as were peculiar to Attica itself. 35.
Hospitium.] A mutual agreement to receive one another as guests. But
according to Thucydides, i. 136, there was no such relation existing between
them, for he speaks of Admetus as o!nta au)tw~| ou) fi/lon. 36. *
Multo commodius.] This seems impossible. He might have better matter
to produce, but surely not better language. 37.
Opsonium.] The word signifies all that was eaten with bread; all kinds
of food besides bread. 38.
Prope oppidum.] That is, near the city of 39. *
Obtrectβrunt inter se.] Diepoliteu&santo:
they supported opposite parties in the state. So in the Life of
Epaminondas, c. 5, it is said that he had Meneclides for an obtrectator. Such
obtrectationes are called by Vell. Pat. ii.
43, civiles contentiones, and by Val. Max. iii.
8, acerrimi studii in administratione Reipublicae dissidia.----Gebhard.
Plutarch says, that according to some there were dissensions between
Aristides and Themistocles from their earliest years, so that in all their
communications, whether on graver or lighter topics, the one always opposed
the other.----Buchner. 40.
Abstinente.] That is, abstaining from the property of others;
moderation; disinterestedness. 41.
Priusquam poenβ liberaretur.] Before he was freed from the punishment
(of exile). 42. *
At the commencement of this chapter I have departed from Bos's text, and
followed that of Freund and others, who make it begin with Quos quo
facilius repellerent, &c. 43. *
Plurima miscere.] To mingle, or throw into confusion, very many
things. 45. *
Cum scytala.] The scytala was a staff, round which a slip of
parchment being rolled obliquely, the orders of the Ephori were written on it
longitudinally, so that, when unrolled, they could not be read until the
parchment was again rolled round a staff of the same thickness, which the
general had with him. 46.
More illorum. ] That is, with extreme brevity. 47. *
Regi.] Pausanias was not actually a king, but guardian to the young
prince Pleistarchus, the son of Leonidas. Thucyd. i. 132. 48.
Argilius.] A native of Argilus, a town of 49.
Amore venereo.] See the note on amatores in the preface. 50. §
Vincula epistolae laxavit.] Letters were tied round with a string,
which was sealed, probably, over the knot. The Argilian, according to Nepos,
contrived to take off the string without breaking the seal, so that he might
readily replace it. 51. *
Quae Chalcioecos vocatur.] Whether the quae refers to aedem of
Minervae, the critics are not agreed. Thucydides, i. 134, to_ i9ero_n th~j Xalkioi/kou,
makes it apparent that it should be referred to Minerva. But Bos and
Bremi concur in referring it to aedes. 52. *
Neque legibus Atheniensibus emitti poterat.] Yet by Justin, ii. 15,
Val. Maximus, v. 3 ext. 3, and v. 4 ext. 2, Seneca, Controvers. 24,
and others, it has been said that Cimon's submission to go to prison was
voluntary. Bos collects ample testimony to the contrary. 53.
See note on the preface. 54. *
Hospitio.] See note on Themistocles, c. 8. Hospitium,
might exist between two states, or between a state and a private
individual, as well as between two individuals. 55. *
Offensum fortuna.] That is, casu obvium, fortuito oblatum, "thrown
in his way by chance," as Heusinger explains it in his note on the
passage.----Fischer. This explanation is also
approved by Boeclerus and Freinshemius. Lambinus erroneously interpreted it cui
fortuna esset iniqua, and several others have
trodden in his steps. 56. *
Pervertere.] "Corrupt" is evidently the sense of pervertere
in this passage, not "destroy," as some would make it. Lysander
first endeavoured to corrupt the fidelity of the Thasians to the Athenians,
and afterwards, when he found his endeavours unsuccessful, proceeded to use
treachery and cruelty towards them. 57. *
The account of Lysander's treachery to the Thasians is wanting in the
manuscripts, but may be supplied from Polyaenus, i. 45. Those of the Thasians who had the greatest reason to fear Lysander, had
fled to a 58. Quΰm verθ de eo foret
judicatum.] That is, how little he deserved
acquittal. 59. *
Librum graveni multis verbis.] "A heavy letter in many
words." 60. * Dives; quum tempus posceret, &c.]
This is Bos's reading. Many editions have Idem, quum tempus, &c. 61. Non minus in vitβ quΰm victu.]
Bos and Boeder distinguish vita and victus in
this manner; vita, they say, means a man's mode of living in public
and among other men; victus his way of life at home, and diet at his
own table. 62.
Privignus.] If we believe Diodorus Siculus, lib. xii,
and Suidas, Alcibiades was the son of Pericles's sister. Hence Pericles is
called his uncle by Val. Max, iii. 1, and Aul. Gell.
xv. 17. Pericles appears, however, to have been the step-father of
Alcibiades's wife, as Magius observes; for Alcibiades married Hipparete, the
daughter of Hipponicus, whose wife Pericles afterwards espoused.----Bos.
63. *
Omnes Hermae.] Mercury was reckoned the god of thieves, and therefore
they used to erect his statues before their doors by way of prevention
against the attempts of robbers and house-breakers.----Clarice.
64. Itaque ille postea Mercurius
Andocidis vocitatus est.] This is the reading of Bos and Van
Staveren. Many other editions have, instead of these words, Andocidisque
Hermes vocatus est. 65.
Quod non ad privatam, sed ad publicam rem pertineret.] A manuscript of
Boeder's has quae, but, as I suppose, from a fancy of the transcriber,
who thought that the word must be a pronoun, referring to consensione, whereas
it is a conjunction, showing the reason why "great dread was
excited" by this occurrence "among the multitude," namely,
because a union of many in the affair indicated a conspiracy, and must have
respect to something of a public nature.----Bos.
66. §
Mysteria.] The mysteries of Ceres; the Eleusinian mysteries. 67. *
They thought that there was some conspiracy under the cloak of it. 68.
Consuetudinem.] Knowing the fickle character of the Athenians, 69.
Crimine invidiae.] This is evidently the sense. Crimine invidiae for crimine invidioso. 70. §
Licentia.] The license of the populace, which could scarcely be
controlled. 71. *
Ab hoc destitutus.] On the contrary, he was, according to Thucydides,
viii. 49, 53, supported by Pisander.---- Bos.
72.
* A considerable town of 73.
A city on the isthmus of the Thracian Chersonese. Most editions, previous to
that of Bos, had Perinthus, from a conjecture of Longolius. 74.
Primus Graeciae civitatis.] He was the first man of 75. *
Agere.] In its rhetorical sense, to state, plead, declare. 76. * Quem manu superari posse
diffidebant.] "Whom they despaired would be able
(i.e. whom they expected or thought would be unable) to be overcome by the
hand." 77.
Emanus.] Bos would omit this word, as wanting authority. 78. * Matrem timidi flere non
solere.] I have translated this according to the
notion of Bremi, who says that timidus here means a cautious person,
one who takes care of himself, and is on his guard against contingencies.
Most translators have rendered it "the mother of a coward,"
&c., in which sense it would seem that the proverb was generally used. 79.
One of the minor harbours of 80.
Quae ad victum pertinebant.] "Things which pertained to
sustenance," i.e. provisions. 81. *
Superioris more crudelitatis erant usi.] "Had used the manner of
the former cruelty." 82.
Jugerum.] Though the juger or jugerum is generally
rendered an acre, it in reality contained little more than half an acre. The juger
was 240 feet long and 120 broad, containing therefore 28,800 square feet;
the content of an English acre is 43,566 square feet. 83.
Non propria esse consueverunt.] By propria, is meant
"peculiarly one's own, and likely to continue so; appropriated to one's
self." I have rendered it by "permanent;" most other
translators have given something similar. Bos gives this remark about gifts
to Nepos; other editors give it to Pittacus. 84. *
Ex oppido.] The town was Aspendus, as appears from Xen. Hell. iv. 8, 30; Diod. Sic. xiv. 99. 85. * Apud quem ut multωm gratia
valeret----effecit.] With whom he brought it to
pass that he prevailed much by personal influence. 86.
What Nepos says here, as to the Lacedaemonians being persuaded by
Tissaphernes to go to war with Persia, is scarcely reconcileable with fact,
as Fischer observes, or with what is stated in the second chapter of the life
of Agesilaus. Yet Schlegel and Wetzel, he adds, have made strong efforts to
justify or excuse his statement. Thirlwall, however, seems to come nearer to
the truth in his History of Greece, c. xxxv. The reader may also consult
Smith's Biog. Dictionary, art. Tissaphernes. 87. Chiliarchum.] "Captain of a
thousand." He is generally considered to have been chief of the
life-guards, and to have been responsible, consequently, for the safety of
the king's person. 88. * Sine hoc.] Some consider hoc masculine,
referring to the chiliarchus. 89.
* If this statement respecting Conon be true, his conduct in the matter is
not to be reckoned among pia et probanda, "patriotic and
deserving of praise." But it would appear from Diod. Sic. xiv. 85, and Xen. Hell. iv. 8, that
the charge against him arose from envy on the part of Tithraustes and the
other Persians. 90.
He was the father of Cleitarchus, who wrote a history of Alexander the
Great's expedition. See Plin. H. N. x. 70. From what Pliny says of him, he
seems to have been extremely credulous. 91. * Utrβque implicatus tyrannide Dionysiorum.]
"Involved in," or "connected with, each tyranny of the
Dionysii." For utroque Dionysio tyranno. 92.
Dionysius married two wives in the same day, Doris, a native of Locris, and
Aristomache, the sister of Dion. But Dionysius the Younger was the son of 93.
Dion, therefore, as Ernstius observes, married his own
niece. 94. § Quae non minimum commendatur.] "Which
is not in the lowest degree (i.e. which is in the highest degree)
commended." Lambinus, from conjecture, read commendat, sc.
hominem, which is more elegant (as Bos admits), and has been generally
adopted by editors. 95. * Suorum causa.] For the sake of Aristomache
and her children. 96.
Legationes.] Most editions have omnes after legationes. Bos
and Van Staveren omit it. 97.
Uni huic maxime indulgeret.] "He indulged him alone most " 98. § Ambitione.] Exquisito apparatu et ambitioso comitatu.----Gebhard. It
was not, however, the elder, but the younger Dionysius, that received Plato
with such ceremony. See Plato's Epist. 3 and 7; Plutarch, Vit. Dion., and Aelian, Var. Hist. iv. 18. Plato visited 99. || Quippe quem venundari jussisset.] Bremi
conjectures quippe qui eum, &c, which the sense indeed requires.
Consult Plutarch, Vit. Dion., who, however, relates the matter a little
differently. Lucian says that Plato was sent to a parasite, because he was
ignorant of the parasite's art. See Diod. Sic. xv. 7; Diog. Laλrt. iii. 18, 21.----Bos. 100.
* That is, the portion of Italy, or Great Greece, which had been under the
power of the elder Dionysius, part of which was still retained by his son. 101.
Lambinus first saw that we ought to read Dionysius, not Dion,
Bos, Mosche, and most other editors, approve Lambinus's suggestion. Van
Staveren omits the name altogether the sense being sufficiently clear without
it. 103. *
Offensa in eum militum voluntate.] Yet Nepos says above, in this same
chapter, that Dion "had gained the soldiery." Quum milites reconciliβsset,
amitteret optimates. 104.
* The ancients were accustomed, when they wished to devote themselves to
prayer, or to do anything in private, to go up into the higher part of the
house, or to keep a chamber in that part for that particular purpose. So
Suetonius says of Augustus, c. 72, Si quando quid secreto aut sine
interpellatione agere proposuisset, erat illi locus in edito sincularis. So
Tacitus of Tiberius, Ann. vi. 21, Quoties super negotio Consultaret, edita
domus parte utebatur.----Bos.
He also refers to Judith, c. 8, and to Acts x. 9. 105.
Illi ipsi custodes.] The guards that had been stationed by Callicrates
round Dion's house. 106. * Peltam pro parmβ fecit.] The pelta, was
smaller than the 107. * Apud Corinthum.] In the war generally
called the Corinthian war, carried on by the Athenians, Thebans, and Argives,
against the Lacedaemonians. See Diod. Sic. xiv. 86; Xen. Hell. iv. 4. 108.
From Xenophon, de Rep. Lacedaem., we learn that the mora consisted of
400 men; for it had four lochagi and eight pentecosteres.----Fischer. This
seems to have been the regular and original number appointed by Lycurgus, but
it varied afterwards according to times and circumstances. In the time of
Xenophon (Hell. iv. 5) it appears to have consisted usually of 600. At other
times it contained five, seven, or nine hundred. See Plutarch. Pelop. c. 17;
Thucyd. v. 68, ibique Schol. Smith's Dict. of G. and R. Ant. art. Army,
Greek. 109.
His name was Acoris; he had assisted Evagoras of 110. § Fabiani.] If the Roman soldiers were used
to be called Fabians, which is an account given by none but our author,
that I know of, it was occasioned by the gallantry of the Fabian family, that
undertook to manage the war against the Vejentes by themselves, and were cut
off, 300 of them in one battle.----Clarke. Others think that the name
must have been derived from Fabius Cunctator. None of the better commentators
say anything on the point. 111. * Nisi ejus adventus appropinquasset.]
"Unless his approach, had been drawing near." 112. The father of Philip, and grandfather of
Alexander the Great. "This subject is more fully
noticed by Aeschines de Fals. Leg. haud
longe ΰ principio."-----Bos. See Justin, vii. 4. 113.
Bella Sociali.] A war in which 114.
* Phalanx is here used as a general term for a body of troops in close
array. 115.
Artifices.] This word is here used in a very comprehensive sense,
including actors, musicians, and every other kind of public exhibitors. 116.
Often written Nectanebis. "Diodorus Siculus has it either Nektenabw_j or Nektanebw&j."----Bos. 117. * A quitus magnas proedas Agesilaus rex eorum
faciebat.] Attempts to interpret this passage have much exercised the
ingenuity of the learned. Heusinger would have ΰ quibus to signify
"on whose side," or the same as pro quibus, but this Van
Staveren justly rejects, and I, as well as he and Schmieder, doubt whether pro
aliquo proedam facere can be regarded as good Latin. . . . For myself, I
know not what to make of the passage, unless we receive the cautious
interpretation of Harles, Ithius, and Bremi, who understand proedam in
a large or metaphorical sense for gain, presents, or a large sum of
money, which Agesilaus either received from the Egyptians by agreement,
or exacted from them, so that it might not improperly be regarded as proeda.
Concerning the signification of this word, see Heyne ad Tibull. ii. 3, 38.----Fischer. 118.
* See Life of Iphicrates, c. 3. 119. * Id----restituit.] Many editions,
for id, have hanc, sc. pecuniam, but "id" says
Bos, "for argentum or argentipondus, is perfectly
correct." 120.
A prince of 121.
A strong city of the Propontis, on an island of the same name. It was
besieged on this occasion, as Mitford supposes, by a force sent thither by
Epaminondas, who was endeavouring to make 122.
§ Satrap of Phrygia, who had revolted from Artaxerxes. "This war is
mentioned by Demosthenes de Rhodior. Libertate."----Fischer. 123.
|| A city on the Hellespont, in the Thracian Chersonese, mentioned by Scylax,
Stephanus de Urb., Strabo, and Pliny. The introduction of the name of this
city into the text is due to Gebhard. Previously the common reading was Ericthonem,
of which nobody knew what to make. 125.
** A pulvinus or pulvinar was a cushion, pillow, or bolster,
and to support the arm or side of those who reclined on couches, like the
bolsters on sofas in the present day. Pulvinar was afterwards used for
the entire couch, on which the statues of the gods were placed on solemn
occasions, as in the Roman lectisternia. 126.
* That is, the cities on the 127. Cui oppositus Chares quum
esset, non satis in eo praesidii putabatur.] "To
whom, when Chares had been opposed, there was not thought to be sufficient
defence in him." Chares was a vain and ignorant braggart. See Diod. Sic.
xvi. 86. 128.
In consilium.] The words quorum consilio uteretur, which occur
a little below, are not translated, as they appear, in the judgment of Bos
and others, to be a mere interpolation. 129. § Classem suppresserunt.] Probably that they
might not be driven on shore. 130.
|| It does not appear what place this was. 131. * Jason tyrannus.] He was tyrant of Pherae
in 132.
De famβ.] For his honour as a citizen. Conviction, on this occasion,
would have subjected him, it appears, to loss of civil rights, or a)timi/a.
133.
Unless we except Phocion, whose military character, however, was not very
high. 134.
* Pylaemenes was not killed by Patroclus, but by Menelaus; Hom. Il. v. 576. 135.
Agresti duplici amiculo.] Called duplex because it was thick
and stout, woven of thread of a double thickness; or because it was made of
cloth doubled. The Greeks called it xlai=na
diplh~.----Fischer. A modern annotator thinks that duplica
refers to the "folding" of the cloak as it was worn, not to the
"texture!" 136. * Qui tantum quod ad hostes
pervenerat..] This reading is an emendation of
Lambinus, and it is extremely doubtful whether it ought to have been so
favourably regarded by Van Steveren and Bos, who have admitted it into their texts.
Some of the manuscripts have qui dum ad hostes pervenerat. Heusinger
thinks we might read tantum qui dum, or qui tantum dum, tantum dum,
being a form of expression similar to vixdum, nondum. The Ed.
Ultraject. has qui tantum non ad, &c.
Most of the older common editions have qui nondum ad, &c. 137. * Cilciae vortae.] A pass so called. 138.
A body of soldiery among the Persians, mentioned by Strabo, Plutarch, Arrian,
Pausanias, and others. Hesychras thinks that they had their name from some
place or tribe. 139.
Captianorum. A people unknown to geographers. Schottus suggested that
we should read, with a slight alteration, Caspianorum, people from the
borders of the Caspian sea.----Bos. Bos, on
the whole, approves this suggestion. 140. * Quibus fretus.] I have given the quibus
that sense which it evidently requires. 141.
Peace and friendship with himself, preparatory to his being received into
favour by the kiag. This is Nipperdey's explanation. Other editors have
merely complained of the apparent tautology in 142. * A rege missam.] These words are wanting in
some editions. The king presented his right hand to some person, in order
that that person might present his own to Mithridates in the king's name. 143.
*. In vitiis poni.] "Is accounted among disparagements,
disgraces, or vices." 144.
A plurimis omnium anteponuntur virtutibus.] "Are by many
preferred to the best qualities of all." Many would rather hear of the
actions than of the virtues of eminent men. 145.
Damon was an Athenian, mentioned by Plutarch de Musicβ, Plato, de
Rep., lib. iv., and Athenaeus, xiv. 11. Lamprus
is also noticed by Plutarch in the same treatise, by Plato in his Menexenus,
and by Athenus, i. 16, ii. 2. Damon is said to have taught Pericles, and Lamprus Sophocles. 146. §
Tibiis.] See the note on this word in the preface. 147.
|| See Cic. de Orat. iii. 34; Off. i. 4; Diod. Sic.
lib. vi. in Exc. Peiresc. p. 247; Pausanias, ix. 13;
Aelian, V. H. iii. 17; Porphyr. Vit. Pythag. extr.;
Jamblich. Vit. Pythag. c. 35. ... A letter of his to a certain Hipparchus is
among the Epistles of the Greeks published by Aldus, and also among the
fragments of the Pythagoreans added by Casaubon to Diogenes Laertius.----Bos. 148. * Tristem et severum senem in familiaritate
antepossuerit.] "He preferred a grave and austere old man in
familiarity," i. e. as an associate. 149.
Levia et potius contemnenda.] The study of philosophy, at least in the
time of Nepos, was not numbered by the Romans among despicable pursuits. 150. Ad eum finem quoad, &c.]
Ad eum finem, as Bos observes, is the same as usque eo. 151. * Multis millibus versuum.] "In many
thousands of verses." Versus was used by the Roman as well for a
line in prose as for a line in poetry. 152.
Indidem Thebis.] That is, "from the same place, 153. Castris est vobis utendum,
non palaestra.] That is, you must give your serious
attention to the one more than to the other. You may in the palaestra inure
yourselves to exercise; but you must remember that your thoughts are to be
directed beyond the palaestra to the camp. 154. *
Hξc.] Some read huic, "to him." 155.
The argument of Epaminondas, in these observations, is this, referring
properly only to Orestes and Oedipus: that they were born, it must be
granted, the one at Argos, and the other at Thebes, but that, as they were
born innocent, neither of those cities can be blamed merely for having been
their birth-place; after they were polluted with crimes, however, and were in
consequence expelled from their native cities, they were received by the
Athenians, who, by sheltering them, might be considered to have become
partakers in their guilt. 156.
Legati ante pugnam Leuctricam.] These words are rejected by Longolius,
Magius, Lambinus, and Schottus, as a gloss that has intruded itself from the
margin into the text. But as they are found in the best copies, Bos, who
cannot but suspect them, is content with including them in brackets. 157.
* This was the army that was sent into 158.
He had been accused of treachery, and the people in consequence had taken
from him his Boiwtarxi/a,
and reduced him to a private station. Diod. Sic. ibid. 159.
Saepius.] Nepos mentions, however, only two occasions; and no more are
discoverable from other authors. 160. * Collegae ejus.] His colleagues and
himself. 161.
In periculo suo.] The word periculum, in this passage, greatly
perplexed the old commentators; no one could find any satisfactory sense for
it; and various conjectures were offered as to a substitute for it. At last
Gebhard suggested that the passage might be interpreted "Epaminondam
petiisse, ut in actis illis, in quibus suum periculum ad memoriam notetur, talia
inscriberent," so that periculum, in his opinion, would be the
same as "adnotatio sive commemoratio periculi illius in tabulis
publicis," the record of his periculum in the public registers.
Schoppius, Verisim. iv. 18, went farther, and said
that periculum signified "libellum sive annalem publicum."
This interpretation was adopted by Bos and Fischer, and subsequently by Bremi
and others, and is approved by Gesner in his Thesaurus sub voce. Tzschucke
interprets it elogium damnationis, or scripta
judicii sententia. 162.
163. * Quod liberos non relinqueret.] These words,
in most editions, are placed lower down, after consulere diceret, where
Lambinus was the first to put them. Bos suspects that they may be altogether
spurious. 164. * Apud Cadmaeam.] The citadel of 165. Aliena paruisse imperio.] By these words
it is not signified that 166.
Phoebidas was sent to assist Amyntas, king of Macedonia, who was going to
besiege Olynthus with the aid of his allies the Lacedaemonians, because its
inhabitants had refused to make satisfaction to him. See Diod. Sic. xv. 19.----Fischer. 167. § Per Thebas.] This is evidently the
sense. 168. * See Epaminondas, c. 10. 169. Ut quemque ex proximo locum
fors obtulisset, eo patriam recuperare niterentur.] " 170. * Tempus et dies.] Charon had not only
settled the day, but the time of the day.----Bos.
171. Sejunctum ab re positβ.] By res,
"the subject," we must understand the life of Pelopidas. Yet no
apology was necessary for introducing the remark, as it is extremely
applicable to the enterprise which Nepos is relating. 172. Hierophante.] A hierophantes was
one who understood and could interpret religious mysteries. Archias was
high-priest of the Eleusinian rites of Ceres. 174. * In comitio.] A Latin word used by the
author for the Greek, which would be e0forei=n,
the court of the Ephori. 175. Quod iter Xerxes anno
vertente confecerat.] Anno vertente, sc.
se, "a year turning itself or revolving," i.e. in the
course of a year, in a full year. In the Life of Themistocles, however, c. 5,
Xerxes is said to have made the journey in six months. 176. * Supplicibus eorum.] Whether eorum refers
to barbaros, which is nearer to it, or to deorum, which is
farther from it, has been a question among the commentators. Bos refers it to
deorum, and I think him right. A
recent editor imagines that it is to be referred to simulacra arasque. Magius
would read deorum instead of eorum,
and his suggestion is approved by Bremi and Buchung. 177.
This appears to be an error; for Xenophon, Ages. 7, 5, and Plutarch, Vit.
Ages, speak of Agesilaus as having heard about the battle; and it is
therefore to be concluded, as Magius and Lambinus observe, that he was not
present in it, but that it took place while he was on his march homeward. 178. Ab insolentia gloriae.] "From the
presumptuousness of boasting." 179. * Quo ne proficisceretur----exire noluit.]
The conclusion of the sentence does not suit the commencement of it. It is a
decided anacoluthon, as Harles, Bremi, and Bardilis observe. 180. Nisi ille fuisset, Spartam
futuram non fuisse.] "Unless he had been, 181. Aucto numero eorum qui
expertes erant consilii.] Bos suggests this explanation of the
passage: that only a part of those who occupied the height intended to go
over to the enemy, and designed, by force or persuasion, to bring over the
others qui expertes erant consilii; but were deterred from doing so
when the number of the true men was strengthened by the followers of
Agesilaus. Bos, however, suggests at the same time, that we might read aucti
numero eorum, which Bremi is inclined to adopt. 182.
* Among whom were Tachos of Egypt, and Mausolus, king of Caria, from both of
whom he received large presents; as he did also, probably, from Cotys and
Autophradates. See Xen. Ages. 2, 26, 27. 183. Huc.] That is, on the straw. 184.
* Nectanabis II., nephew of Tachos, whom he dethroned with the aid of
Agesilaus. 185. Portum qui Menelai vocatur.] On the coast
of 186.
Cyrenae, -arum, or 187. * Cardianus.] Cardia was a town in the
Thracian Chersonese, on the 188. Multo honorificentius.] Because freedmen
and slaves, for the most part, purchased the office of scribe or secretary
among the Romans with money, as is observed by Casaubon in Capitolin. Vit.
Macrini, c. 7, and by Lipsius, Elect. i. 32.----Loccenius.
At 189.
* 9Etairikh_ i3ppoj, about a thousand or twelve
hundred of the flower of the Macedonian cavalry. The name is from e3tairoj, a friend or companion, either because
they were united with one another as friends, or because they were associates
or companions of the king. 190. Tradita esset tuenda eidem----Perdiccae.]
"Was committed, to be taken care of, to the same
Perdiccas." 191.
In suam tutelam pervertissent.] Should come "to their own
guardianship," should be out of their minority, and no longer under the
guardianship of others. 193.
* A distinguished officer in the army of Alexander, after whose death he had
the government of Phrygia on the 194.
Ad internecionem.] Properly, "to the utter destruction" of
one of the two contending parties. 195.
Antipater, Craterus, and their supporters. 196. * A Seleuco et Antigono.] For Antigono it
is now generally supposed that we should read Antigene, Antigenes
being mentioned by Diod. Sic. xviii. 59, as one of the leaders of the
Argyraspides; another being Teutamus. Antigenes was the first to attack
Perdiccas, as Van Staveren observes, referring to Arrian apud Photium, p.
224. The same critic suggests that we might even, with some probability alter
Seleuco into Teutamo, but does not wish to press this
conjecture 197. Plaga.] Meaning the death of Perdiccas. 198. * Callidum fuit ejus inventum, quemadmodum, &c.]
"It was an ingenious contrivance of his, how the
animal might be warmed," &c. 199. Caput.] Not only the head, however, but
all the fore-part of the body must have been tied up, the strap being passed
round the body behind the fore-legs. 200. * In principiis.] See note on Florus, iii.
10, 201. * De rebus summis.] "Of their chief
concerns." 202. Non minus totidem dierum
spatio.] "Not less than the space of just as
many days." 203. * Fructum oculis capere.] "To gain
gratification for their eyes." 204. Ut deuteretur.] The word deutor is
not found elsewhere. It seems not to be the same with abutor, as some
suppose, but to have much the same sense as the simple verb. But most
editions have se uteretur, an alteration of Lambinus. 205.
* This is so little of a reason for Eumenes' success against his opponents in
the field, that Buchner, Bos, and others, suppose that some words have been
lost out of the text. 206.
* The sentence begins with Sic Eumenes, and ends with talem habuit
exitum vitae, a fault similar to that which has been noticed in Ages. c.
6. 207.
Memoria est nulla.] That is, no one thinks of praising his military
exploits equally with his moral virtues. 208. * Quum adversus Charetem eum subornaret.] I
have given to subornaret the sense to which Bos thinks it entitled. To
what part of Phocion's life this passage relates is uncertain. Bos refers to
Plutarch, Phocion, c. 14, where it is stated that Phocion was sent to 209. * Capitis damnatos.] That is, made atimous,
or infamous, deprived of civil rights, and condemned, perhaps, in
addition, to exile or death. 210.
Philip Aridaeus, the half brother and nominal successor of Alexander the
Great. 211.
An Athenian demagogue, who was put to death by the people of 212. * Undecim viris.] Eleven petty officers,
whose duty was to see the sentences of the law put in execution.
213. Namque huic uni contigit,
quod nescio an nulli.] I have endeavoured to give a
satisfactory turn in the English to that which is not very satisfactory in
the Latin. "For (that) happened to (him) alone, (of) which I know not
whether (it happened) to any one (else)." If it happened to him alone,
it of course happened to no one else. Some editors read ulli: but nulli
appears to be the right reading, nescio an being
taken in the sense of ''perhaps." 214. * A barbaris.] The Carthaginians, when they
were at war with the elder Dionysius. 215. Soror ex iisdem parentibus
nata.] She was whole sister to him and
Timophanes. 216. * Fana deserta.] Bos retains deserta, in
his text, but shows an inclination, in his note, to adopt the emendation of
Lambinus, deleta; dιserta, however, which is found, I believe, in all
the manuscripts, is susceptible of a very good interpretation; for temples
that were deserted or neglected might have fallen into decay, and require to
be repaired or rebuilt. 217. * In theatrum.] Public assemblies were often
held in theatres. 218. Sacellum Au)tomati/aj.]
A word compounded of au)toj,
self, and ma&w,
to desire or will, and applied to Fortune as acting from her own will or
impulse. 219. * Se voti esse damnatum.] The meaning is,
that he was now obliged to the fulfilment of that which he had vowed when he
prayed for such a degree of freedom. 220. Timoleonteum.] Sc.
Gymnasium. 221. Graecae gentis.] All
the preceding biographies are those of Greeks, except that of Datames. 222. § Separatem sunt relatae.] In another book
written by Nepos, which contained the lives of kings, as Lambinus thinks; and
Vossius de Hist. Lat. i. 14, is of the same opinion. I rather imagine
that the writings of other authors, who have spoken of the acts of kings, are
intended; for if Nepos had meant a composition of his own, he would have said
ΰ me sunt relatae, as in the Life of Cato, c. 3, he says in eo
libra quem separatim de eo fecimus.----Bos. 223. *
Macrochir, Longimanus, or "long-handed." Mnemon, mnh&mwn, signifying one
that has a good memory. 224.
There was no remarkable proof of his justice given on this occasion. His
mother Parysatis poisoned his wife Statira; but he spared Parysatis, and put to
death Gingis, who had merely been her tool. See Plutarch, Life of Artaxerxes,
c. 19. 225. Morbo naturae debitum reddiderunt.]
"Paid (their) debt to nature by disease." 226. * Nunquam hosti cessit.] Not exactly true;
but he doubtless resisted the enemy vigorously. 227.
Erycem.] Not the mountain, as Bos observes, but the town situated
between the top and the foot of the mountain, of both of which the Romans had
possession. See Polyb. i. 53; ii. 7; Diod. Sic. xxiv. 2; Cluverius, Sicil.
Antiq. ii. 1. 228.
Three islands on the western coast of 229.
* Son of Demetrius, and last king but one of 230. A Rubro Mari.] It is the Mare
Erythraeum that is meant, lying between Arabia and 231. * Saltum Pyrenaeum.] The forest, i. e. the
woody chain or range of the 232. Clastidio.] Clastidio, thus given
by Bos, without a preposition or any word to govern it, cannot be right. It
seems necessary either to read Clastidii, or, with Lambinus, de
Clastidio. I have adopted the latter, as the termination in o is
found in all the manuscripts. But no account of a battle between Hannibal and
Scipio at Clastidium (a town of 233. * Quo repentino objectu viso.] "Which
sudden appearance being seen" by the Romans. 234. * Absens----sustulit.] The battle
being fought by one of 235. Circiter millia passuum trecenta.] One
hundred and fifty miles is supposed to be nearer the truth. 236.
* A town on the Liris, in the Volscian territory. 237.
Praetor.] This office seems, from what follows, to have been in a
great degree financial; but judicial duties were probably combined in it. 238.
Rex.] The two annual magistrates at 239.
* Antiochus here suffered a defeat from the Romans. 240. In Pamphylio mari.] The sea on the coast
of Pamphylia in 241. Antiocho fugato.] Viz., in the battle near
Magnesia, at the bottom of 242. § Principibus praesentibus.] Many of the old
editions have Gortyniis praesentibus, a manifest error, as Bos
observes. Principibus occurs in three manuscripts. 243. * Illud recusavit, ne id a se fieri postularent.]
"He refused this, (requesting) that they would not require that to be
done by him." 244.
* Cato the censor, the great grandfather of the Cato that killed himself at 245.
Situate about ten miles south-east of 246. Aedilis plebis.] There were two sorts of
aediles, plebeian and curule. 247. * Privatus in urbe mansit.] That is, he did
not take any other foreign province. Plutarch, however, in his life of Cato,
says that Scipio was appointed to succeed Cato in Spain, but that, being
unable to procure from the senate a vote of censure on Cato's administration,
he passed his term of office in inactivity. 248. Edictum.] The code of regulations which a
magistrate published on entering upon his office, adopting what he chose from
the edicts of his predecessors, and adding what he thought proper of his own.
See Adam's Rom. 249. Circiter annos octoginta.] This passage is
in some way faulty. Bos thinks that the number is corrupt, or that the three
words have been intruded from the margin into the text. Pighius would read Vixit
circiter annos octoginta, et, &c. 250. § A multis tentatus.] Plutarch, in his life
of Cato, c. 15, says that Cato was attacked or accused about fifty times in
the sourse of his political life.----Bos. 251. * Ab origine ultima stirpis
Romanae.] "From the most remote origin of the
Roman race." His family was so old that it reached back to the earliest
age of 252. * Versuram facere.] Versura, according
to Festus sόb voce, properly signifies borrowing from one to pay
another. Our language has no word corresponding to it. 253. Septem modii.] This is the reading of the
old editions, and of the manuscripts of Manutius, Gifanius, Schottus, Leid,
and Medic. 2. But since it appears from 254. * Phidiae.] Some editions have Piliae.
"This was some Phidias, who, though unmentioned by any other writer, was
known to Nepos through Atticus with whom he was intimate." See c. 13.---- Van Staveren. 255.
* About £1600 of our money. 257. * Optimarum partium.] Ursinus and Schottus
conjecture optimatum partium.----Heusinger thinks optimarum right. 258. Ad hastam publicam nunquam, accessit.]
That is, to a sale of the property confiscated in the proscriptions. A hasta,
or spear, set up, was the signal of an auction; a custom derived from the
sale of spoils taken in war. 259. Nullius rei neque praes,
neque manceps factus est.] The farmers, mancipes, of
the revenues were chiefly equitιs, but Atticus, though of that order,
neither became a farmer himself, nor a surety, praes, for any farmer. 260. § Neque suo nomine neque
subscribens.] He neither brought accusations against
people himself, nor supported the accusations of others by setting his hand
to them. This is said with reference to the time of the proscriptions. 261.
|| That he declined offices generally is stated above in this chapter; there
is no particular mention that he declined the praetorship. 262. * Ejus observantia.] Observantia, as
Bos and Fischer observe, is evidently to be understood actively. 263. Secutum est illud, occiso
Caesare, &c.] The commencement of this chapter is
extremely bald. Whether tempus, which Bos understands with illud, has
dropped out of the text, or whether the author purposely omitted it, must
remain doubtful. Perhaps more words than one are lost. 264. Penes Brutos.] Some editions have Brutum.
I prefer the plural, says Bos, Marcus and Decimus being meant. 265. * Dicis----causa.] Bos's text, and
many others, with all the manuscripts, have necis causa. Dicis causa is
a conjecture of Cujacius. Necis is defended by Savaro, who says that
the provinces were given to Brutus and Cassius for killing Caesar.
Gebhard supports Savaro, referring to Vell. Pat. ii.
62: Bruto Cassioque provinciae, quas jam ipsi sine ullo senatus consulto
occupaverant, decretae. Bos, too, quotes from. Appian, 9H boulh_ ge/ra toi=j a)nelou~sin
w(j turannokto&noij e0yhfi/zeto. But, as Ernstius
observes, the provinces could not have been given to Brutus and Cassius
particularly for killing Caesar, for they were not the only ones concerned in
his death; and he therefore prefers dicis causa, supposing that the
provinces were given to them merely to afford them an honourable pretext for
leaving the city to avoid the fury of the lower orders. Heusinger not
unhappily conjectures necessitatis causa. 268.
§ A war that arose between Mark Antony and Octavius (see Florus, iv.
4), through a dispute about the will of Caesar, in which Octavius had been
set before Antony, who, in displeasure, had recourse to arms, and besieged
Decimus Brutus, who took the side of Octavius, in Mutina, now Modena.----Fischer.
269. || Divinatio.] We should rather read divinitas,
as Buchner first observed. Divinatio occurs below, c. 16, but in
its proper sense. 270. * Commendationem.] Manuscripts and editions are
divided between this word and commoditatem. 271. Stiterit vadimonium.] Promittere
vadimonium is to give bail for one's appearance in court on a certain
day; sistere or obire vadimonium is to appear according to the
obligation entered into when the bail was given. 272. Versuram facere.] See note on c. 2. 273. § Ille autem sui judicii----intuebatur,
&c.] The words sui judicii must be
taken as a genitive of the quality, Ille autem, cum vir esset sui
judicii, &c. But they are, as they stand, by no means satisfactory:
something seems to be wanting in the text. Schottus, however, thinks them an
intruded gloss. 274. * Imperatorum.] The triumvirs, Caesar, 275.
* Where Atticus had estates. See c. 14. 276. Neque tamen priωs ille
fortunam, quΰm se ipse, finxit.] A very inapplicable
observation. Nepos first says that a man's manners fashion his fortune, and
then speaks of Atticus forming himself and his fortune. The word tamen would
intimate some opposition; but there is none. Atticus, having formed his
manners, might leave his manners to form his fortune. 277. * Nisi in deprecandis
amicorum aut periculis aut incommodis.] "Unless
in deprecating either the dangers or troubles of his friends." 278. Domum Tamphilanam.] To what Tamphilus the
house had belonged is not known. There were two consuls with that surname,
A.U.C. 570, 571. 279. * Plus salis.] The word salis does
not admit of a very satisfactory explanation in this passage. Most
interpreters, says Boecler, take it for gratia, venustas, ars, elegantia.
280. Pedissequus.] The word signifies any slave
or servant who follows or attends on his master; a footman, lacquey, or page.
Many of the better sort of slaves, among the Romans,
were so well educated that, while they still continued pedissequi, they
were able to act as anagnostae or librarii, readers or
transcribers. 281. Artifices caeteri.] Workmen of all kinds. 282. § Terna millia ceris.] Such is the reading
of all the manuscripts and editions, but no commentator has thought it a
sufficient sum. It amounts only to £24 4s. 4 1/2d. Hotomannus,
Tract. de Re Nummaria, p. 87, would read tricena,
thirty, but even £240 a month would be a very small expenditure for a man
of such income as Atticus. Conjecture, however, in such a case, is useless. 283. * Aliud acroama.] Acroama, as Fischer
observes, generally signified among the Latins, not a thing, but a person;
and it may be so interpreted in this passage. 284. In sestertio vicies.] £16,145 16s.
8d. 285. In sestertio centies.] £80,729 3s. 4d 286. § Religiose promittebat.] He made no promise
lightly, but as if he were religiously determined to
fulfil it. 287. * Omnia negotia.] This must be taken with
much limitation; he might do all the business with which they troubled him. 288. Nunquam cum matre in
gratiam rediisse.] Never having
had any disagreement with her. 289. * Ornavit.] Bos, Vossius, and others, prefer ordinavit. But Hensinger thinks ornavit may
very well be taken in the sense in which I have rendered it. 290. * Conciliare fortunam.] "Procure him
his fortune," make his fortune. As the mores are, so the fortune
will be. 291. Dignitate pari.] It is evidently dignity
of birth that is intended. 292. * In unum intestinum.] Barthius wished to
alter it to imum intestinum, because, I suppose, he knew that there
was the seat of the disease. . . . But there is no need of change; unum is
the same as solum.----Bos. 293. * Temporibus superesse.] The commentators
are not agreed about the exact sense of these words. I follow Heusinger, who
understands them in the sense of "getting over, and surviving, the
troubles and danger of the present time." 295. Comitantibus omnibus bonis.]
This omnibus, like the omnia in c. 15, must
be understood in a limited sense. 296. The
following text, and the notes to it, are not found in the Bohn text, and have
been added to the public domain online edition. I have located the
Latin text in the Loeb edition, and made a
public domain translation from them. Robert Stonehouse in
humanities.classics kindly made a translation of fragment V, which I have
also consulted. 297. This
comes from the Codex Gif., according to Savaro and Patavius. 298. On
the first page of the Codex Guelferbytanus Gudianus 2788, saec. xiii, of 300. From
Lactantius, Inst. Div. iii.15.10. The dots indicate a lacuna in
the Latin. Other brief quotations from Nepos may be found, I gather, in
Suetonius and Aulus Gellius.
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, Greek text is rendered using the Scholars Press
SPIonic font, free from here.
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