Interview by Laura Brightwell
It would be great if we could start by talking about your current research interests. You’ve mentioned that you came to your research on motherhood and matricentric feminism out of your own experiences of pregnancy and parenting. Can you tell us a little bit about how those experiences informed your research?
I'll start with a personal account, since the personal is inherently political. From my perspective as a cisgender, heterosexual woman and mother of two, it’s evident that feminism and the experience of motherhood are inextricably linked. Prior to becoming a mother, I experienced numerous instances in which my gender was used as a rationale for attempts to subjugate, muffle, or render me invisible. However, I overcame these challenges by combining a sense of boldness, naivety, and self-trust. I never paused to analyze or respond to these incidents as a form of injustice or inequality. It was not until my pregnancy, which was both a physical and a verbal announcement, that I fully appreciated the implications of being a woman in a patriarchal society. This awakening was particularly pronounced due to its concomitant celebration and paradoxical constraint, which manifested as a reverence for the body as a “vessel” of motherhood. For the first time, I was able to discern the complex ways in which societal expectations were exerting pressure on me—the language surrounding motherhood, the expectations, and the subtle directives all conveyed a mystique surrounding the womb, the body, and the role of the mother that felt discordant. I was no longer perceived as an individual, but rather as a pregnant woman a prospective mother—and evaluated according to the standards and expectations associated with maternal roles.
As I began to move through motherhood, I became keenly aware of how I began to appear to many as a disruptive and challenging figure. My existence as a mother was suddenly loaded with expectations that didn’t fit who I was or how I wanted to mother my children. Motherhood rendered me an “other”—an eccentric, incomprehensible, and even inconvenient presence, one that didn’t align with the “acceptable” ways of being a mother. So, I began reading, listening, and connecting with others who shared or studied the intersections of motherhood and feminism, and discovered rich insights from many perspectives within the feminist movement. It became clear to me that the complexities and contradictions I felt were part of a much larger conversation, one that sought to reframe motherhood as something not only personal but also political. Through these exchanges and dialogues, I understood that feminism doesn’t just make room for mothers; it grows richer and more complex through maternal perspectives. Motherhood, in turn, becomes feminist not just when it is individually empowering, but when it’s situated within a broader network of support, solidarity, and shared experience. It’s in these collective spaces—where voices and experiences converge—that motherhood takes on its fullest feminist potential.
Can you tell us about the context of reproductive justice in Italy? Surrogacy has been illegal in Italy since 2004, and the current right-wing government has just ruled to make “surrogacy tourism” a crime, punishable by €1 million (about CAD $1.5 million) and jail terms of up to two years. What kinds of conversations around motherhood and families are happening in Italian culture at the moment?
In a context that is often perceived as anti-maternal, Italy stands out as a challenging place for mothers, both in terms of the structural obstacles they face and the cultural attitudes that shape their experiences. From a structural standpoint, the unequal distribution of domestic and caregiving responsibilities, low female labour market participation, and the dearth of comprehensive childcare services contribute to a challenging environment for women attempting to reconcile family and career responsibilities. Culturally, a robust and, arguably, archaic myth of motherhood persists, drawing upon religious narratives to impose an idealized model of intensive and sacrificial motherhood. This ideal suggests that “good” mothers should prioritize their children above all else, adhering to an unattainable standard that merges the demands of a neoliberal work ethic with the self-sacrificing model of motherhood derived from traditional religious ideals. This model frequently results in mothers experiencing feelings of being overburdened, experiencing guilt, and feeling pressured to be perfect.
In 2022, Italy established a Ministry for Natality, Family, and Equal Opportunities, led by Eugenia Maria Roccella. Her populist feminism and conservative maternalism situate motherhood at the core of her political agenda. Roccella frames the so-called “demographic crisis” as a central issue, with the objective of reversing Italy’s declining birth rate through the promotion of more “traditional” and “righteous” forms of motherhood. Her approach has been the subject of criticism on the grounds that it has the effect of narrowing the definitions of family and motherhood in a manner that is aligned with a conservative agenda.
"Feminism doesn’t just make room for mothers; it grows richer and more complex through maternal perspectives."
Veronica Frigeni
The government’s stance on family structures has become increasingly evident with the issuance of a circular by the Ministry of the Interior in January 2023. This document prohibits the transcription of birth certificates for children born to same-sex couples who used a surrogate abroad. This policy, in conjunction with the recent universal criminalization of surrogacy that imposes severe penalties on Italian citizens engaging in surrogacy abroad, demonstrates a commitment to promoting traditional family structures while simultaneously rejecting diverse family configurations. These governmental moves serve to reinforce a preference for an idealized, “righteous” form of motherhood that leaves little room for families that do not align with the heteronormative model. As Italy navigates these policy shifts, discussions around reproductive rights, motherhood and family are becoming increasingly polarized. This reflects significant divisions within Italian society regarding the definition of the family and the extent to which the state should support or restrict it.
You recently published a chapter in The Mother Wave: Theorizing, Enacting, and Representing Matricentric Feminism (2024), edited by Andrea O’Reilly and Fiona Joy Green called “The Mother Wave and the Italian Matricentric River Delta.” Can you talk about matricentric feminism in the Italian context?
This question is directly connected to the previous one, as my chapter explores the diverse feminist narratives surrounding motherhood in Italy, and the ways in which these narratives often lack mutual dialogue, especially between the feminism of sexual difference and queer transfeminism. In particular, I examine the issue of assisted reproductive technologies as a means of evaluating disparate feminist perspectives on motherhood.
Italian feminism has historically been shaped by the philosophy of sexual difference, which regards motherhood as a distinctive, identity-affirming experience with significant political and cultural implications. This perspective tends to view motherhood as a central aspect of female identity, emphasizing the continuity and shared experience associated with it, which carries distinct social and cultural weight. Conversely, queer transfeminism challenges the conventional binary distinctions between genders, advocating for more fluid conceptualizations of identity, particularly in relation to parenthood and reproductive rights. This perspective allows for the inclusion of non-traditional family structures and diverse parenting identities, thereby challenging essentialist interpretations.
In light of the aforementioned political context, my chapter posits that an Italian matricentric feminism does, in fact, exist, frequently operating in the background of the controversies, erasures, and silences surrounding the issue of motherhood. Adopting a matricentric feminist perspective enables us to traverse the conceptual terrain between the sexual difference and queer feminist frameworks, thereby creating space for a more inclusive and relational understanding of motherhood that is sensitive to the nuances of diverse experiences and identities within the Italian context.
In the chapter, I use the metaphor of a “river delta” to illustrate this diversity, showing how various streams of feminist thought on motherhood flow alongside one another but don’t always converge. Italian matricentric feminism thus becomes a complex and sometimes fragmented terrain, shaped by different—and occasionally competing—understandings of motherhood, identity, and reproductive justice. Through this analysis, I highlight the need for a more dialogical approach that respects these differences while fostering a more inclusive conversation on motherhood within Italian feminism.
To date, few scholars engaged in the field of Italian feminist thought have employed a matricentric feminist lens in their analysis. But, it can be argued that late writer and activist Michela Murgia’s work on surrogacy and queer motherhood has begun to pave the way for a uniquely Italian matricentric approach. Murgia’s insights engaged with both traditional and queer notions of motherhood, offering an innovative stance that, I argue, aligns with a matricentric feminist perspective. Her work suggests the possibility of an Italian feminism that transcends its internal divisions, uniting diverse feminist perspectives on motherhood in a manner that respects both “traditional” maternal identity and queer parenting experiences.
"A robust and archaic myth of motherhood persists in Italy. There is an urgent need for feminist perspectives, like Andrea O'Reilly's, to challenge these narrow and regressive narratives."
Veronica Frigeni
You are currently working on an Italian translation of In (M)Other Words: Writings on Mothering and Motherhood, 2009-2024 by York Professor Andrea O’Reilly. What do you see as the benefits of translating these chapters into Italian? Why has this been such an exciting and important project to you?
It has been an exciting and deeply meaningful project for me. In my dialogue with Andrea, especially in the effort to open up space for discussions with Italian interlocutors, the translation quickly became a necessary and intimate act of reading. It forced me to rethink, with fresh eyes and new terminology, some of the unconscious certainties around feminist motherhood in my own language and culture. A feminist translation, after all, brings about this kind of “displacement,” a form of estrangement, to produce new perspectives and to see things as if for the first time.
There are no other Italian translations of O’Reilly’s theories and writings, making this work particularly urgent and valuable. The political and cultural factors we’ve been discussing highlight the urgent need for feminist perspectives, like O’Reilly’s, to challenge the narrow and regressive narratives surrounding motherhood in Italy. The translation contributes to a renewed and urgent effort within Italian feminism to recognize, analyze, confront, and ultimately reclaim motherhood as a feminist experience. Recent groundbreaking publications on the subject have shed light on a number of key issues, including the formation of free subjectivities, anti-patriarchal relational practices, unconventional forms of activism, and the ways in which everyday resistance is expressed. Italian feminism is engaged in the process of developing a language to articulate and represent the concept of feminist mothering. This book represents a contribution to the collective, symbolic, practical, and activist reconstruction of feminist motherhood.
In an interview featured in my translated book, O’Reilly highlights that discussing motherhood is inherently radical and revolutionary, especially when approached in a transcultural way. The North American feminist tradition is undergoing a shift, slowly making room for a more inclusive, global perspective on gender and motherhood. This transformation is essential to dismantling the legacy of an exclusively US-centered understanding of feminism and its relationship with motherhood. Motherhood Studies, alongside other feminist discourses, is playing a vital role in this shift, offering a transcultural lens to explore the complex, interconnected dimensions of feminism and motherhood.
Ultimately, the present moment calls for a renewed focus on feminist motherhood, as the very concept of motherhood—and the ways in which it is defined and valued by society—is at the core of a larger struggle for equality and justice. In a world where motherhood is often reduced to an idealized, sacrificial role, reimagining it through a feminist lens is a powerful act of resistance. This challenges oppressive structures and opens up new possibilities for gender, family, and society.
Can you tell us about your future project on queer motherhood?
Building on the need to reimagine motherhood through a feminist lens, my future project on queer motherhood is deeply connected to this ongoing exploration. I have a forthcoming chapter with Palgrave that focuses on how queer motherhood has been represented in autobiographies in Italy over the past two years. This work looks at the personal narratives that have begun to push the boundaries of traditional understandings of motherhood, offering new perspectives on how queer women in Italy have experienced and articulated their roles as mothers in ways that are distinct from the mainstream, heteronormative norms.
Looking ahead, my next project, which I am in the process of preparing, will involve conducting interviews inspired by queer oral history, specifically with queer mothers in Italy, understood from a matricentric perspective. In this project, I aim to centre the lived experiences of queer mothers—whose stories are often sidelined in the national conversation about family and motherhood. By interviewing these mothers, I hope to create a space where their voices can challenge traditional and often oppressive understandings of family, gender, and motherhood, emphasizing that personal experiences are political acts in themselves. These interviews will offer a rich, diverse set of stories that underscore the importance of recognizing and respecting queer family structures, while also addressing the cultural and institutional barriers they encounter. In doing so, this project contributes to the growing body of work that recognizes that queer motherhood, like all forms of mothering, is a vital aspect of social justice, and will offer a deeper understanding of the ways in which queer individuals negotiate and reclaim motherhood within a society that often marginalizes them.
Laura Brightwell is a PhD Candidate in Gender, Feminist, & Women's Studies at York University and Research Associate for "On Our Own Terms: An Oral History and Archive of Queer Femme Community and Culture in Toronto, 1990-2000." You can find her on Instagram @lauraannebrightwell