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Access to Justice & Income

Claire Johnson Raba, University of Illinios Chicago School of Law
Dalié Jiménez, UC Irvine School of Law

This Article examines the impact of recent debt documentation reforms in California, Connecticut, and Texas on state debt collection lawsuits. It uses a difference-in-differences event study design to analyze court data over ten years and estimates the effects of these legal changes on court outcomes, including case filings, case value, attorney representation, response rates, time to judgment, and obtaining a writ of execution. We also incorporate results from a survey of court stakeholders in these jurisdictions about their views of these reforms. Our study design compares rates of case filing and outcomes between original creditor plaintiffs not impacted by the state law and court rule changes with those for third-party debt collectors. This allows us to observe the causal impact of the law on debt collectors held to higher evidentiary standards.

In the late 2000s, a series of reports by consumer advocates, government agencies, and law review articles began to shine a light on the justice problems in state debt collection lawsuits. Many of the issues advocates identified were reminiscent of the recent financial crisis: robo- signed affidavits, plaintiffs who could not prove their standing to sue, no documents or evidence to back up the debt, and allegations of sewer service. State courts and legislatures reacted to policy advocates’ demands for change by adopting new court rules and enacting statutes. While the legal changes varied, most were focused on shoring up the evidence plaintiffs should have on hand before obtaining a default judgment. Although some of the issues identified applied to both original creditors and purchasers or assignees of the debts (“third party debt collectors”), most jurisdictions subjected only third-party debt collectors to these legal changes.

These reforms were generally met with opposition by the debt collection industry. It was argued the reforms would increase the cost of collecting debt and that lower collections would result in a higher price of credit to consumers. We posit that debt collection reform impacts on the industry would be evident in changes observed in collection cases. To evaluate the effect of heightened documentation requirements in court outcomes, we collect court lawsuit data over ten years from three states that saw a legal change: Connecticut civil courts, Texas’ Justice of the Peace Courts in Harris County, and sixteen California counties that comprise 80% of debt collection filings within the state. We evaluate the causal effect of these legal changes on court case metrics and outcomes such as filing rate, defendant representation, defendant response to the lawsuit, amounts sought in the case, writs of execution sought, among other outcomes.

This is the first causal inference study evaluating debt documentation reforms. Among other observations, findings from California suggest that the 2014 debt disclosure reforms led to a ten-week delay (25%) in judgment times for third-party creditors compared to first-party creditors, and an increase in self-representation. Despite industry concerns that these reforms would reduce debt collections and increase credit costs, the study finds no significant impact on the number of cases filed, the amounts requested, or the likelihood of obtaining a writ of execution. The findings suggest that while the reforms did not decrease case filings, they did affect procedural aspects of cases, by delaying the time for plaintiffs to obtain a judgment.

Danielle Kalil, IAALS, Institute for the Advancement of the American Legal System

At this session, researchers from IAALS at the University of Denver will present original data and empirical analysis regarding the prevalence and characteristics of civil legal problems among the middle class. This data comes from our U.S. Justice Needs and Satisfaction study, a nationwide study in collaboration with HiiL that gathered information from 10,058 people in the United States. The goal of the study was to gain a full picture of the access to justice problem in the United States across a broad range of socio- demographic groups to bring a greater understanding to the challenges and effective solutions to ensure justice for all. This was the first survey of its kind and of its size to measure how Americans experience and resolve their legal problems. This presentation will share what this data tells us about the legal needs of middle class Americans.

Here are some examples of key findings the presentation will cover:

  • The rate at which middle class Americans experience legal problems.
  • The relationship between income group and seriousness of legal problems.
  • The association between complete problem resolution and income.
  • The types of legal problems most frequently occurring for middle class Americans.
  • The correlation between household income and negative consequences associated with legal problems.
  • The frequency with which middle class Americans took action on legal issues.
  • The sources of help on which middle class Americans relied to resolve their legal problems.
  • The frequency with which middle class Americans engage with lawyers to resolve their legal problems.
  • The impact of money-related legal problems (i.e., debt, consumer issues) by income level.

Previous legal needs studies in the United States have largely focused on low-income Americans. This study found that access to justice is not only a problem for the poorest Americans. This is also a critical challenge for the middle class. Such a challenge has not been— and cannot be—addressed through the usual actions and policies. The justice crisis requires a profound change in the access to justice paradigm – from how the United States thinks about the scope of the crisis to how it is addressed.

Participants will leave this session with a better understanding of the justice needs of middle class Americans and will be better-equipped to consider how the legal system and legal profession might meet those needs.

Erin Turner, Consumer Policy Research Centre – CEO

When someone has a legitimate complaint against a business, what stops them from using dispute resolution options to resolve their issue?

The presentation will focus on two markets in Australia – the car and telecommunications markets – where there is recent quantitative and qualitative data to demonstrate why people fail to make complaints or drop out of the complaints process. Complaints about faulty cars made through a tribunal process will be contrasted with the ombudsman service for telecommunications complaints, with consumers facing different challenges with both complaints processes.

Data will be presented from surveys, interviews, case studies and journey mapping undertaken by the Consumer Policy Research Centre (CPRC), an independent, not-for-profit research institute from Australia. The data is drawn from two reports:

  1. Turner, Erin (2023), Detours and Roadblocks: the consumer experience of faulty cars in Victoria, Consumer Policy Research Centre. https://cprc.org.au/detours-and-roadblocks/
  2. Turner, Erin & Campbell, Marianne (due for publication July 2024), Barriers to effective dispute resolution in the telecommunications industry, Consumer Policy Research Centre and Telecommunications Industry Ombudsman.

Key findings:

  • In the car market:
    • Consumers struggle when courts require them to gather evidence in highly specific formats. 93% of people who lodged a complaint through the tribunal struggled to arrange an expert report in the format required.
    • While costs to lodge a complaint at a tribunal may be low, consumers face high costs through long complaints processes. To lodge a complaint about a car problem, a consumer must still have possession of the car – 14% of Victorians with a faulty car could not lodge a complaint because they couldn’t afford towing costs when the car broke down.
    • Using case studies from front line legal services, we will explore how First Nations communities can face specific costs to lodging a complaint.
  • In the telecommunications market:
    • 55% of Australians experienced a problem with their telco service in the last twelve months, with poor customer service causing the greatest negative impact.
    • 46% of Australians who experienced a problem with a telco service did not lodge a complaint. 77% of complaints not made were because the individual was skeptical about the potential for resolution or overwhelmed by the process.
    • While people who lodge a complaint through the ombuds service found it helpful, only 10% of people with an eligible complaint make it to the ombuds service.

Lessons to highlight:

  • The importance of consistent and clear rights frameworks that help people understand what remedy they may receive.
  • The importance of designing complaints processes to avoid shifting costs or action onto consumers.
  • The role that industry groups play in providing clear information about complaints escalation options.

Juliet-Nil Uraz, London School of Economics

In 2013, England and Wales implemented a comprehensive legal aid reform, removing publicly funded legal assistance for low-income households confronting social welfare issues. The reform acted as a large funding shock, resulting in uneven closure and congestion among legal assistance providers. This paper examines the far-reaching consequences of this reform on access to justice and socioeconomic outcomes for vulnerable populations, as well as mortality rates. Constructing panel data on the activity of legal assistance providers between 2011 and 2022, we adopt a difference-in-differences approach to assess the dynamic effects of the reform on eviction court cases, housing market tension indices and mortality rates. Our analysis leverages the exogenous spatial and temporal variation in access to legal assistance providers, considering changes in distance and congestion of the nearest provider. By adopting a causal inference framework, we quantify the cumulative impact of reduced access to free, in-person legal assistance on outcomes with lasting socioeconomic implications. This study sheds light on an overlooked program targeting households at risk of homelessness and over-indebtedness, providing empirical insights essential for elucidating the unintended socioeconomic and public health consequences of legal aid reforms.

The 2013 reform significantly affected three critical dimensions of local access to legal aid: availability, affordability, and proximity. While these dimensions are intertwined, collectively, they contributed to a reduction in overall access to timely, free, in-person legal assistance for local communities. The sociolegal literature emphasizes factors such as the timing of legal support, the cost of legal services, and the proximity of legal providers in effectively resolving legal problems. Following its implementation, our preliminary results suggest that areas most affected by a loss in local provision gradually experienced a higher rate of eviction, specifically in terms of eviction claims and court orders, with statistically significant differences emerging after 3 and 5 years, respectively. These differences disappeared during the pandemic due to eviction moratoriums but appear persistent in the most recent data point, 10 years after the reform. Our estimates indicate an increase in the rate of eviction claims and orders per 1,000 inhabitants by 3.9% and 2.1% relative to the 2013 mean baseline. Additionally, these areas also show a significantly higher rate of mortality 5 years later, representing a 1.2% increase relative to the mean baseline. Lastly, these areas notably exhibit an 8.5% decrease in the mean price of houses sold, with this effect becoming more pronounced over time. Our analysis suggests that a loss in local provision of legal aid denotes a significant impoverishment of the area, marked by higher housing instability, worse health outcomes, and a less attractive housing market.