FINAL REVIEW – MARCH 08

FINAL REVIEW – MARCH 08

THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF STATE FINANCE

AK/SPPA 4115 6.0A

{SYNOPSIS AND GENERAL OVERVIEW: THIS SECTION OF THE COURSE HAS BEEN DIVIDED INTO FOUR SUBJECT AREAS: (1) EDUCATIONAL OPPORTUNITY AND EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT AND SOCIO-ECONOMIC OUTCOMES (2) GENDER PARADOXES PAY EQUITY & THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF CHILDCARE (3) ABORIGINAL PEOPLE IN CANADA {THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN SELF-DETERMINATION AND SELF-GOVERNANCE}, (4) THE NEW URBAN EXPERIENCE OF GLOBALIZATION {THE RISE OF “THE GLOBAL CITY”}.

{*THE SOCIOLOGICAL KEY ====> IN THIS FINAL SECTION OF THE COURSE WE LEARNED ABOUT THE GENDERIZATION, RACIALIZATION AND URBANIZATION OF POLITCAL ECONOMY, AND [SOME] CONTEMPORARY ATTEMPTS TO INTERVENE IN THE STATUS QUO IN ORDER TO PROMOTE OR DIRECT SOCIAL CHANGE}

PART I – EDUCATIONAL OPPORTUNITY AND EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT AND ECONOMIC OUTCOMES

QUESTION: WHAT IS THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN ACCESS TO EDUCATIONAL OPPORTUNITIES AND EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT, AND HOW DOES THE RELATIONSHIP CORRELATE TO SOCIAL ECONOMIC BENEFITS?

LIBERAL PERSPECTIVES ON EDUCATION:

“MERITOCRACY” VS. “STRUCTURED SOCIAL INEQUALITY”

LIBERAL PERSPECTIVES ON EDUCATION PORTRAYS IT AS A “MERITOCRACY”, OR A VEHICLE FOR NURTURING THE TALENTS AND CAPACITIES OF EACH INDIVIDUAL IN HARMONY WITH HIS OR HER ABILITY TO CONTRIBUTE PRODUCTIVELY TO SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT ===è THEREFORE ===è [1] TO DENY OPPORTUNITY TO INDIVIDUALS OR GROUPS OF PEOPLE IS BOTH MORALLY UNJUST AND COUNTERPRODUCTIVE TO THE ADVANCEMENT OF SOCIETY, SINCE INDUSTRIAL SOCIETIES CANNOT AFFORD TO ALLOW TALENT AND BRAINPOWER TO GO TO WASTE ===è [2] THE LIBERAL ORIENTATION IS OFTEN SUPPORTED WITH REFERENCE TO NOTIONS OF A MERITOCRACY IN WHICH SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC REWARDS, SUCH AS PRESTIGE AND WEALTH, ARE ALLOCATED TO INDIVIDUALS AS A INCENTIVE TO MAINTAIN SKILLED AND INDUSTRIOUS PERFORMANCE IN ORDER TO FULFIL THE MOST CRUCIAL SOCIAL TASKS [MAZUREK, 1987; WOTHERSPOON 2000].

OPPOSITIONAL/OBSERVATIONAL CHALLENGES:

DESPITE THE APPEAL FOR FAIRNESS AND JUSTICE IN LIBERAL CONCEPTIONS OF “EQUALITY OF OPPORTUNITY”, AND WIDESPREAD PUBLIC SUPPORT FOR THE SENTIMENT THAT EQUALITY OF OPPORTUNITY SHOULD BE A GUIDING PRINCIPLE IN THE ORGANIZATION OF CANADIAN SCHOOLS, SEVERAL CHALLENGES TO THE NOTION HAVE BEEN MOUNTED ====è BOTH THE RIGHT AND LEFT HAVE QUESTIONED THE USEFULNESS OF EQUALITY OF OPPORTUNITY AS AN ORGANIZING PRINCIPLE IN CAPTITALISTS SOCIETIES – {A} THE FORMER{ON RIGHT} BECAUSE GOVERNMENT EFFORTS TO MAINTAIN THE RIGHTS OF MINORITY GROUPS ARE SEEN AS TOO COSTLY TO MAINTAIN AND CONTRARY TO THE PRINCIPLES OF MARKET-DRIVEN EONOMIES, AND {B} THE LATTER {ON LEFT} BECAUSE THE PROMISED OPPORTUNITIES HAVE NOT BEEN DELIVERED FOR MANY PERSONS IN THE FORM OF SUBSTANTIAL SOCIAL ADVANCEMENT.

[EMERGENCE OF CONTEMPORARY DEBATES OVER THE FUTURE OF EDUCATION ======> ON ONE SIDE ARE PROPONENTSOF A CONSERVATIVE VIEW THAT SCHOOLS ARE FAILING TO TEACH THE FUNDAMENTAL KNOWLEDGE AND SKILLS REQUIRED IN A CORE AREA OF ACADEMIC SUBJECTS, WHILE ON THE OTHER ARE PARENTS AND EMPLOYERS WHO DEMAND THAT SCHOOLING BE MADE MORE DIRECTLY RESPONSIVE TO LABOUR-FORCE REQUIREMENTS.]

[SUSTAINED ANALYSIS OF WHAT SCHOOLS DO AND WHY =====> EDUCATION SYSTEMS CANNOT BE AN EFFECTIVE PANACEA FOR SOCIAL AND LABOUR-MARKET PROBLEMS =====> IN PRACTICE, FORMAL SYSTEMS OF EDUCATION IN CAPITALIST SOCIETIES ARE DRIVEN BY TWO CONTRADICTORY DYNAMICS [1] ONE IS THE THRUST IN LIBERAL DEMOCRACIES TOWARD GREATER EQUALITY OF OPPORTUNITY AND PARTICIPATION IN EONOMIC AND POLITIAL LIFE FOR ALL MEMBERS OF SOCIETY; [2] THE OTHER IS THE FUNDAMENTAL CONFLICT AND STRUCTURED INEQUALITY UPON WHICH A CAPITALIST ECONOMY IS BASED ======> SO, WHILE EDUCATION INSTITUTIONS ARE SOCIAL DIVISIONS OF LABOUR GOVERNED BY RELATIONS OF DOMINATION, SUBORDINATION, AND EXPLOITATION, SCHOOLS REMAIN PART OF A PUBLIC SPHERE OF SOCIAL LIFE THAT IS OPEN TO SCRUTINY AND PARTICIPATION BY A DIVERSE, OFTEN CONFLICTING, ARRAY OF SOCIAL GROUPS.]

CONCLUSIONS:

1) THE PRODUCTION OF UNEQUAL SOCIAL OPPORTUNITIES HAS BEEN A SYSTEMATIC, REGULAR FEATURE OF CANADA’S EDUCATION SYSTEM THAT HAS SERVED TO PERPETUATE THE INEQUALITIES EMBEDDED WITHIN CAPITALIST SOCIETY.

2) WHAT IS AT ISSUE IN CONTEMPORARY DEMANDS FOR “QUALITY EDUCATION,” “LIFELONG LEARNING,” “FLEXIBILITY,” “ACCOUNTABILITY,” AND “COMPETITIVENESS” IS NOT ALTRUISTIC CONCERN FOR THE LEARNER, BUT RATHER A DIRECT RESPONSE TO CAPITAL'S DEMANDS FOR AN AFFORDABLE, PRODUCTIVE, AND COMPLIANT WORK FORCE.

3) EDUCATION REMAINS IMPORTANT BECAUSE IT PROVIDES CREDENTIALS AND OPPORTUNITIES FOR SOCIAL ADVANCEMENT, BUT IT ALSO MAINTAINS AND LEGITIMIZES EXISTING SOCIAL INEQUALITIES.

4) THESE INEQUALITIES ARE LIKELY TO BE TRANSLATED INTO DIFFERENTIAL BENEFITS AND OPPORTUNITIES IN EMPLOYMENT, INCOME, AND OTHER AREAS BEYOND EDUCATION.

PART II (A) – GENDER PARADOXES PAY EQUITY & THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF CHILDCARE

GENDER PARADOXES AND THE RISE OF CONTINGENT WORKER

THESIS: A FEMINIST POLITICAL ECONOMY OF THE LABOUR MARKET {FOCUSING ON SPECIFIC FEATURE OF WOMEN'S LABOUR MARKET EXPERIENCES}

BY THE MID-1990S ONLY 33 PERCENT OF CANADIANS HELD NORMAL JOBS {STANDARD EMPLOYMENT RELATIONSHIPS}; AND THERE WAS A PREDOMINANCE OF PRECARIOUS FORMS OF NONSTANDARD WORK THAT WAS PERSISTENLY GENDERED AND RACIALIZED IN CHARACTER.

CONTINGENT WORK INCLUDES THOSE FORMS OF EMPLOYMENT INVOLVING ATYPICAL EMPLOYMENT CONTRACTS, LIMITED SOCIAL BENEFITS AND STATUTORY ENTITLEMENTS, JOB INSECURITY, LOW JOB TENURE, LOW WAGES, AND HIGH RISKS OF ILL HEALTH =====> VULNERABLE POPULATIONS SUCH AS YOUTH, WOMEN AND IMMIGRANTS ARE OVERREPRSENTED IN CONTINGENT WORK.

CONTINGENCY WORK PRODUCED SEVERAL “GENDER PARADOXES” ======> (1) CONTINGENCY WORK CAN NO LONGER MEDIATE THE CONTRADICTION BETWEEN PRODUCTION AND REPRODUCTION{AS MORE PEOPLE WORK TO SUSTAIN THE HOUSEHOLD THE TIME DEVOTED TO SOCIAL REPRODUCTION DECLINES}; (2) THE IMPORTANCE OF WOMEN'S LABOUR IN SOCIAL REPRODUCTION IS BECOMING MORE VISIBLE {EVEN GARNERING ATTENTON FROM THE STATE --- DECLINING FERTILITY, CHILDCARE POLICY, TAX ASSISTANCE FOR CHILD CARE DEVELOMENT}; (3) CONTINGENCY NOT ONLY UNDERMINES THE STANDARD OF LIVING FOR WORKING PEOPLE, BUT ALSO JEOPARDIZES THE ABILITY OF PEOPLE TO REAR CHILDREN, CARE FOR LOVED ONES, AND CONTRIBUTE TO THE SOCIAL GOOD; (4) EVEN WITH WOMEN'S HIGH RATES OF LABOUR FORCE PARTICIPATION, THE STATE IS WITHDRAWING FURTHER THE PUBLIC SUPPORTS NECESSARY TO REPRODUCE A HEALTHY WORKING POPULATION.

SOLUTIONS: (1) CULTIVATE STATEGIES AROUND IMPROVED CHILCARE, EDUCATION, AND HEALTHCARE, AS WELL AS JUST IMMIGRATION POLICEIS THAT ENABLE WORKERS TO RESIST CONTINGENCY; (2) NONSTANDARD, OR “FLEXIBLE” FORMS OF WORK NEED NOT AMOUNT TO CONTINGENY WORK; RATHER, CERTAIN FORMS COULD CONTRIBUTE TO THE REDISTRIBUTION AND REDESIGN OF WORK AND WORKPLACES {INSTITUTIONALIZE FORMS OF LABOUR REGULATION THAT LINK PRODUCTION TO REPRODUCTION BY ELEVATING AND INTEGRATING THE IMPORTANCE OF THE TRADITIONALLY GENDERED WORK}.

PAY EQUITY AND EMPLOYMENT EQUITY

A NUMBER OF STRATEGIES HAVE BEEN IMPLEMENTED IN AN ATTEMPT TO ACHIEVE GREATER GENDER EQUALITY IN THE LABOUR MARKET.

SINCE THE 1980'S THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT, SOME PROVINCIAL GOVERNMENTS, AND A NUMBER OF PRIVATE COMPANIES HAVE IMPLEMENTED PAY EQUITY AND EMPLOYMENT EQUITY POLICIES. {*PRO-ACTIVE STATEGIES TO ACCOMMODATE DIFFERENCES}

1) PAY EQUITY ATTEMPTS TO RAISE THE VALUE OF THE WORK TRADITIONALLY PERFORMED BY WOMEN.

PAY EQUITY IS SOMETIMES CALLED COMPARABLE WORTH, AND IT REFLECTS THE BELIEF THAT WAGES OUGHT TO REFLECT THE WORTH OF A JOB, NOT THE GENDER OR RACE OF THE WORKER.

LEGISLATION: REQUIRES THAT SPECIFIC KINDS OF JOBS BE EXAMINED FOR DETERMINING (A) SEX SEGREGATION, AND (B) JOB VALUE WITHIN WORKPLACES.

HOW CAN THE COMPARABLE WORTH OF DIFFERENT JOBS BE DETERMINED(?)

ONE WAY IS TO COMPARE THE ACTUAL WORK OF WOMEN'S AND MEN'S JOBS AND SEE IF THERE IS A DISPARITY IN THE SALARIES PAID FOR EACH. TO DO THIS, ANALYSTS BREAK A JOB INTO COMPONENTS – SUCH AS THE EDUCATION, TRAINING, AND SKILLS REQUIRED, THE EXTENT OF RESPONSIBILITY FOR OTHER'S WORK, AND WORK CONDITIONS – AND THEN ALLOCATE POINTS FOR EACH.

FOR PAY EQUITY TO EXIST, MEN AND WOMEN IN OCCUPATIONS THAT RECEIVE THE SAME NUMBER OF POINTS SHOULD BE PAID THE SAME.

IN SHORT, PAY EQUITY PROMOTES THE PRINCIPLE OF EQUAL PAY FOR WORK OF EQUAL VALUE. {*EQUALITY OF CONDITIONS}

2) EMPLOYMENT EQUITY STRATEGIES FOCUS ON WAYS TO MOVE WOMEN INTO HIGHER-PAYING JOBS TRADITIONALLY HELD BY MEN – BY:

ELIMINATING THE BARRIERS TO AND THE EFFECTS OF DISCRIMINATION, TO FULLY OPEN THE COMPETITION FOR JOB OPPORTUNITIES TO THOSE WHO HAVE BEEN EXCLUDED HISTORICALLY.

A) ELIMINATE SYSTEMIC DISCRIMINATION.

B) REMEDY THE EFFECTS OF PAST DISCRIMINATION.

C) ACHIEVE A REPRESENTATIVE WORKFORCE.

THAT TARGET GROUPS FOR EMPLOYMENT EQUITY {AND “STATISTICAL EQUALITY” NOT MERELY “EQUAL TREATMENT”} ARE VISIBLE MINORITIES, PERSONS WITH DISABILITIES, ABORIGINAL PEOPLE AND WOMEN.

IN COMPARISON TO PAY EQUITY, WHICH ADDRESSES WAGE ISSUES ONLY, /// EMPLOYMENT EQUITY COVERS A RANGE OF EMPLOYMENT ISSUES SUCH AS RECRUITMENT, SELECTION, TRAINING, DEVELOPMENT, AND PROMOTION.

CHILD CARE AND THE CANADIAN STATE SYSTEM AND PROVINCIAL VARIATIONS:

THE HISTORY OF THE ORGANIZED STRUGGLE FOR CHILDCARE IN CANADA HAS BEEN A LONG ONE =====> THE ROLE OF CHILDCARE HAS CHANGED FROM THE INITIATION OF THE WOMEN'S MOVEMENT ---- ORIGINALLY IT WAS CONSIDERED TO HELP EQUAL RIGHTS FOR WOMEN AND SUPPORTING WOMEN'S NEEDS {SOCIAL JUSTICE PERSPECTIVE} ---- NOW IT IS RECAST BY THE STATE AS A “THREE-PRONGED DISCOURSE” ON {1} SUPPORTING HEATHY CHILD DEVELOPMENT, {2} INVESTING IN CHILDREN FOR FUTURE PAYOFF TO SOCIETY, AND {3}AS AN INSTRUMENT FOR INVOLVING THE LABOUR FORCE PARTICIPATION OF TWO PARENTS {EARLY CHILDHOOD DEVELOPMENT}

MARKED BY ABANDONED ATTEMPTS AT CREATING A NATIONAL STRATEGY (WITHOUT MUCH PUBLIC OUTCRY).

IN RECENT YEARS, PRESCHOOL EDUCATIONAL HAS BEEN DEFINED AS AN EARLY AND CRITICAL CONTRIBUTION TO MEETING THE LIFE-LONG LEARNING REQUIREMENTS ASSOCIATED WITH AN EMERGENT “KNOWLEDGE-BASED ECONOMY.” ====> COST-CONSCIOUS GOVERNMENTS PRESENT EARL CHILDHOOD EDUCATION AS A MEANS OF REDUCING FUTURE COSTS GENRATED BY UNEMPLOYMENT AND/OR CRIME =====> THE DISCOURSE SURROUNDING CHILDCARE POLICY

CREATIVE TRANSFORMATIONS --- TRANSFORMATIVE POLITICS --- TODAY INVOLVE MLTIPLE ROUTES, RATHER THAN A SINGLE PATH =====> AS PROVINCES MOVE IN DIFFERENT DIRECTIONS, STRONG NETWORKS THAT CONNECT CHILDCARE ADVOCATES AND THEIR ALLIES FROM THE LOCAL TO THE PROVINCIAL AND NATIONAL LEVELS BECOME AN ESSENTIAL MEANS OF LEARNING FROM EXPERIENCE AND OF DEVELOPING THE POLICY CAPACITY NECESSARY TO INFLUENCE SEVER LEVELS OF GOVERNMENT AT ONCE.

PART II (B) – GENDER PARADOXES PAY EQUITY & THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF CHILDCARE

A) GENDER PARADOXES AND THE RISE OF CONTINGENT WORKER

THESIS: A FEMINIST POLITICAL ECONOMY OF THE LABOUR MARKET {FOCUSING ON SPECIFIC FEATURE OF WOMEN'S LABOUR MARKET EXPERIENCES}

SOLUTIONS: (1) CULTIVATE STATEGIES AROUND IMPROVED CHILCARE, EDUCATION, AND HEALTHCARE, AS WELL AS JUST IMMIGRATION POLICIES THAT ENABLE WORKERS TO RESIST CONTINGENCY; (2) NONSTANDARD, OR “FLEXIBLE” FORMS OF WORK NEED NOT AMOUNT TO CONTINGENY WORK; RATHER, CERTAIN FORMS COULD CONTRIBUTE TO THE REDISTRIBUTION AND REDESIGN OF WORK AND WORKPLACES {INSTITUTIONALIZE FORMS OF LABOUR REGULATION THAT LINK PRODUCTION TO REPRODUCTION BY ELEVATING AND INTEGRATING THE IMPORTANCE OF THE TRADITIONALLY GENDERED WORK}.

B) PAY EQUITY AND EMPLOYMENT EQUITY {ASIDE}

A NUMBER OF STRATEGIES HAVE BEEN IMPLEMENTED IN AN ATTEMPT TO ACHIEVE GREATER GENDER EQUALITY IN THE LABOUR MARKET.

1) PAY EQUITY ATTEMPTS TO RAISE THE VALUE OF THE WORK TRADITIONALLY PERFORMED BY WOMEN.

PAY EQUITY IS SOMETIMES CALLED COMPARABLE WORTH, AND IT REFLECTS THE BELIEF THAT WAGES OUGHT TO REFLECT THE WORTH OF A JOB, NOT THE GENDER OR RACE OF THE WORKER.

LEGISLATION: REQUIRES THAT SPECIFIC KINDS OF JOBS BE EXAMINED FOR DETERMINING (A) SEX SEGREGATION, AND (B) JOB VALUE WITHIN WORKPLACES.

HOW CAN THE COMPARABLE WORTH OF DIFFERENT JOBS BE DETERMINED(?)

FOR PAY EQUITY TO EXIST, MEN AND WOMEN IN OCCUPATIONS THAT RECEIVE THE SAME NUMBER OF POINTS SHOULD BE PAID THE SAME.

IN SHORT, PAY EQUITY PROMOTES THE PRINCIPLE OF EQUAL PAY FOR WORK OF EQUAL VALUE. {*EQUALITY OF CONDITIONS}

2) EMPLOYMENT EQUITY STRATEGIES FOCUS ON WAYS TO MOVE WOMEN INTO HIGHER-PAYING JOBS TRADITIONALLY HELD BY MEN – BY:

ELIMINATING THE BARRIERS TO AND THE EFFECTS OF DISCRIMINATION, TO FULLY OPEN THE COMPETITION FOR JOB OPPORTUNITIES TO THOSE WHO HAVE BEEN EXCLUDED HISTORICALLY.

A) ELIMINATE SYSTEMIC DISCRIMINATION.

B) REMEDY THE EFFECTS OF PAST DISCRIMINATION.

C) ACHIEVE A REPRESENTATIVE WORKFORCE.

C) {SOME} RESULTS AND CONTRADITIONS OF PAY EQUITY

PAY EQUITY IS AN EXAMPLE OF HOW FEMINIST ACTIVISTS AND OTHERS HAVE USED THE LAW TO TRANSFORM SOCIAL RELATIONS. IT HAS SIGNIFICANTLY IMPROVED WAGES FOR MANY WOMEN IN A WAY NO OTHER APPROACH HAS ACHIEVED. BUT THE TRANSFOMATIVE PROCESS AND THE RESULTS ARE CONTRADICTORY.

TRANSFORMATIVE RESULTS:

1) IT HAS ENCOURAGED MANY WOMEN TO REASSESS THEIR WORK, TO EXAMINE THE KINDS OF SKILL, EFFORT, RESPONSIILITIES, AND WORKING CONDITIONS INVOLVED IN THEIR JOBS, AND TO DEMAND RECOGNITION.

2) IT HAS REFLECTED AND PROMOTED SOME POWER SHIFTS WITHIN UNIONS AND WORKPLACES AND WITHIN SOCIETY AS A WHOLE AS WOMEN’S WORK WAS REGARDED IN A NEW AND MORE VALUED WAY.

3) IT CHALLENGED SOME OLD HIERARCHIES IN WORKPLACES AND UNIONS.

RESISTANCE:

1) DIFFERENCES IN WAGES AMONG WOMEN HAVE INCREASED (ARMSTONG AND CORNISH, 1997).

2) EMPLOYERS HAVE BECOME MUCH MORE SKILLED AT USING THE LAW TO RESIST.

3) MORE AND MORE THE “LIMITED” SUCCESSES OF SOME GROUPS IN WORKING TOWARDS PAY EQUITY IS DEFINED AS A PROBLEM SOLVED – AND THERE ARE DEMANDS TO MOVE ON TO “OTHER ISSUES.”

4) WOMEN’S VICTORIES ARE UNDERMINED BY NEW STATEGIES SUCH AS CONTRACTING-OUT AND A REFUSAL TO FUND.

5) {IN SOME CASES} THE FAILURE TO UNDERSTAND OR PROMOTE PAT EQUITY HAS LED TO A REINFORCEMENT OF OLD HIERARCHIES AND TO TOO MUCH FOCUS ON “LEGAL PROCESSES, RATHER THAN STRATEGIES FOR CHANGE.”

CONCLUSIONS:

COMBINDED WITH A NEW {NEO-LIBERALISM} EMPHASIS ON MARKET FORCES AND DEREGULATION, PAY EQUITY WAS DIFFICULT TO IMPLEMENT IN THE FACE OF MOUNTING RESISTANCE =====> AT THE SAME TIME, HOWEVER, SUCH LEGISLATION IS NOW OFTEN THE ONLY PROTECTION WOMEN HAVE AGAINST THE PRESSURES OF EFFICENCY, WHICH ARE DEFINED SOLELY IN TERMS OF PROFITS AND MARKETS ====> ESPECIALLY IN SUCH TIME, ANY HUMAN RIGHTS LEGISLATION HAS TO BE DEFENDED AND EXTENDED AS A COUNTER TO MARKET FORCES.

D) CHILD CARE AND THE CANADIAN STATE SYSTEM AND PROVINCIAL VARIATIONS

MARKED BY ABANDONED ATTEMPTS AT CREATING A NATIONAL STRATEGY (WITHOUT MUCH PUBLIC OUTCRY).

CREATIVE TRANSFORMATIONS --- TRANSFORMATIVE POLITICS --- TODAY INVOLVE MULTIPLE ROUTES, RATHER THAN A SINGLE PATH =====> AS PROVINCES MOVE IN DIFFERENT DIRECTIONS, STRONG NETWORKS THAT CONNECT CHILDCARE ADVOCATES AND THEIR ALLIES FROM THE LOCAL TO THE PROVINCIAL AND NATIONAL LEVELS BECOME AN ESSENTIAL MEANS OF LEARNING FROM EXPERIENCE AND OF DEVELOPING THE POLICY CAPACITY NECESSARY TO INFLUENCE SEVERAL LEVELS OF GOVERNMENT AT ONCE.

PART III – ABORIGINAL PEOPLE IN CANADA

A STORY OF COLONIALIZATION, CULTURAL GENOCIDE AND RESURRECTION THROUGH ORGANIZED RESISTANCE}}}

THE OVERREPRESENTATION OF ABORIGNAL PEOPLES IN THE CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM:

IS ONE LEGACY OF THE DESTRUCTION AND DISLOCATION OF INDIGENOUS PEOPLES THAT TOOK PLACE UNDER “EUROPEAN COLONIALISM”

{i} AND OVERINVOLVEMENT IN CRIME IS ONE OF THE SOCIAL PROBLEMS THAT HAVE BEEN GENERATED BY THE “PASSIVE GENOCIDE” PERPETUATED AGAINST ABORIGIANL PEOPLES, LARGELY UNDER TH RHETORIC AND GUISE OF “ASSIMILATION.”

{ii} THE OVER-REPRESENTATION OF ABORIGINALS IN THE JUSTICE SYSTEM TENDS TO INDICATE THE EXISTENCE OF “SOCIAL RATHER THAN “CRIMINAL” PROBLEMS {THE MOST CENTRAL SOCIAL PROBLEMS IN THE AREA OF CRIME AND ITS TREATMENT ARE THE ONES THAT SOCIETY CREATES FOR ABORIGNIAL INDIVIDUALS – NOT THOSE CREATED BY ANY INDIVIDUAL CRIMINAL PATHOLOGY ===> THE PROBLEM IS “RACISM.”

{iii} THE PUBLIC PERSCEPTION OF ABORIGINAL PEOPLE AS “DRUNKS,” “LAZY,” AND “CRIMINAL” HAS LONG CONFUSED SYMPTOMS WITH THE UNDERLYING CAUSES OF THESE SOCIAL PROBLEMS =====> ALLOWING FOR A ONE-WAY STREET OF CRIMINAL JUSTICE POLICIES AND PROGRAMS THAT ADDRESS THE “PROBLEMS OF CIRME” WITHOUT SERIOUSLY CHALLENGING THE STATUS QUO OF THE CANDIAN POLITICAL ECONOMY =====>

{vi} SOCIOLOGICAL FORMULATION : {POWER/ CULTURE/ IDEOLOGY COMPONENTS OF “THE INDIAN PROBLEM” OR “INDIANS IN CONFLICT WITH THE LAW”} THE CRIMINALIZATION OF A GROUP IS DEPENDENT ON THOSE IN POWER DEVELOPING STRONG IDEOLOGIES AND TYPIFICATIONS THAT JUSTIFY THEIR CONTROL OVER SUBJECT POPULATIONS

THE SEARCH FOR POST-COLONIAL JUSTICE:

1) ABORIGINAL POLICING [IN 1992, THE FEDERAL GOV'T ANNOUNCED A POLICY OF TRANSFERRING ALL ON-RESERVE POLICING TO BANDS BY YEAR 2000].

2) INDIGENIZATION [ATTEMPTS TO MAKE CURRENT SYSTEM LESS ALIENATING WITHOUT CHANGING STRUCTURE AND CONTROL]

3) INDIAN ACT PROVISIONS FOR ON-RESERVE JUSTICE INITIATIVES [ON-RESERVE COURTS, ETC]

4) DIVERSION PROGRAMS AND RELATED ACTIVITIES [ALTERNATIVES TO JUSTICE SYSTEM PROCESS, SUCH AS, PRE- OR POST-CHARGE PRE-PLEAD; ABORIGINAL LEGAL SERVICES OF TORONTO, ETC]

5) ELDERS PANELS AND SENTENCING CIRCLES [REPLACING “FLY-IN SUITCASE” PUNITIVE JUSTICE].

6) YOUTH OFFENDER INITIATIVES. [ALTERNATIVES TO INCARERATION FACILITIES AND PROGRAMS]

7) ABORIGINAL INITIATIVES IN PRISON [PROGRAMS DESIGNED TO MEET OFFENDER NEEDS, SUCH AS A NEW HOLISTIC HEALING FACILITY OPENED NEAR EDMONTON; OR THE ONE AT MAPLE CREEK FOR FEDERALLY SENTENCED ABORIGINAL WOMEN]. {“SOCIAL ISSUES AND CONTRADITIONS” PP. 286}

CONTEMPORARY CHARACTERISTICS OF THE ABORIGINAL AND NON-ABORIGINAL RELATIONSHIP IN CANADA:

1) INEFFECTUAL GOVERNMENT INTERFERENCE AND PATERNALISTIC HANDOUTS.

2) THROWING MONEY AT A PROBLEM ====> EXPANDING LEGIONS OF EXPERTS IN HOPE OF FOSTERING ASSIMILATION THROUGH SELF-SUFFICIENCY.

3) RHETORIC OF SELF-GOVERNMENT AND A “NEW SOCIAL CONTRACT” ======> IN REALITY MOST INITITATIVES SIMPLY REFORM/ TWEEK THE OLD ONE AND REFUSE TO RELINQUISH ANY SUBSTANTIVE POWER.

SO, WHEN WE TALK OF THE “ABORIGINAL PROBLEM” IN CANADAWE NEED TO TALK IN A WIDER DISCOURSE THAT PUTS THE BURDENS ON INSTITUTIONS SO THAT WHAT COMES UNDER THE MICROSCOPE ARE THE POLITICS, THE CULTURE, AND THE ECONOMICS OF DOMINATION

{{{THE CONTEMPORARY POLITICS OF “ABORIGIALITY” REVOLVES AROUND THE KEY ISSUE OF SELF-DETERMINATION ======> OR MORE ACCURATELY, ABORIGINAL MODELS OF SELF-DETERMINING AUTONOMY =======> MEANS THE “DEVOLUTION” OF REPONSIBILITY AND FEDERAL JURISDICTION OVER ABORIGINAL LANDS AND AFFAIRS, AND THE TRANSFERENCE OF RIGHTS AND AUTHORITIES TO ABORIGINAL PEOPLE ====> IN SHORT, LAND, IDENTITY AND POLITICAL VOICE}}}

STRATEGIES OF RESISTANCE

FOLLOWING THE SECOND WORLD WAR, AND MORE PARTICULARLY IN THE 1960S -- WHILE THE STRUGGLE FOR SURVIVAL STILL PREOCCUPIED INDIGENOUS PEOPLE IN CANADA AN AROUND THE WORLD -- A PLATFORM OF WIDER AND MORE PROACTIVE CONCERNS BEGAN TO TAKE SHAPE THROUGH:

1. VIOLENT CONFRONTATION OR ARMED RESISTANCE.

2. “DECOLONIZATION” OF THE MIND STRATEGIES

3. NURTURING AND SUSTAINING CULTURAL SYSTEMS.

4. NEW AGENDA FOR INDIGENOUS ACTIVITY THROUGH A FRAMEWORK FOR GLOBAL STRATEGIC ALLIANCES.

ABORIGINAL SELF-GOVERNMENT

TERMS OF ALL INHERENT SELF-GOVERNMENT AGREEMENTS ARE SET OUT IN A 1995 FEDRAL POLICY DOCUMENT; INHERENT SELF-GOVERNMENT IS BASED ON CONTINGENT RATHER THAN SOVEREIGN RIGHTS --- THAT IS, ABORIGINAL SELF GOVERNMENTS MUST OPERATE WITHIN THE CANADIAN FEDERAL SYSTEM, WORK IN HARMONY WITH OTHER GOVERNMENTS, BUT CONSISTENT WITH THE CANADIAN CHARTER OF RIGHTS AND FREEDOME, AND ENHANCE THE PARTICIPATION OF ABORIGINAL PEOPLES IN CANADIAN SOCIETY

RECENT DEVELOPMENTS IN CANADA ENTAIL RETHINKING THE PLACE OF ABORIGINAL PEOPLES WITHIN THE CONSTITUTIONAL FRAMEWORK – THE FOUR POLICY PILLARS ARE:

1) ACCELERATED LAND CLAIMS SETTLEMENT,

2) IMPROVED SOCIOECONOMIC STATUS ON RESERVES,

3) RECONSTRUCTION OF ABORIGINAL-GOVERNMENT RELATIONS, AND

4) FULFILLMENT OF ABORIGINAL CONCERNS (I.E., PRIVILEGING INDIGENOUS INTERESTS AND PRACTICES).

SELF-DETERMINATION THROUGH SELF-GOVERNANCE

ABORIGINAL PEOPLE TEND TO REJECT THE IDEA OF VIEWING THEMSELVES AS A GROUP OF CANADIAN CITIZENS LIVING ON RESERVES. RATHER, THEY SEE THEMSELVES AS SOVEREIGN AND SELF-GOVERNING NATIONS THAT HAVE DISTINCT POLITICAL STATUS WITHIN THE CANADIAN NATION-STATE.

ABORIGINALS SEE SELF-GOVERNANCE AS PART OF THE ONLY VIABLE SOLUTION BECAUSE THEY HAVE NEVER VOLUNTARILY RELINQUISHED THEIR ABORIGINAL RIGHTS FOR THE SAKE OF CANADIAN GOVERNMENT ASSISTANCE.

THERE ARE NO GUARANTEES THAT SELF-GOVERNANCE WILL “FIX” EVERYTHING, BUT IT’S A GOOD FIRST-STEP TO HELPING AND REDRESSING THE NEGLECT OF ABORIGINAL PEOPLE. IT IS THE FIRST “INTEGRAL” STRATEGY IN THE “ABORIGINALITY MOVEMENT.”

{{{THE CONTEMPORARY POLITICS OF “ABORIGINALITY” REVOLVES AROUND THE KEY ISSUE OF SELF-DETERMINATION ======> OR MORE ACCURATELY, ABORIGINAL MODELS OF SELF-DETERMINING AUTONOMY ====> MEANS THE “DEVOLUTION” OF RESPONSIBILITY AND FEDERAL JURISDICTION OVER ABORIGINAL LANDS AND AFFAIRS, AND THE TRANSFERENCE OF RIGHTS AND AUTHORITIES TO ABORIGINAL PEOPLE ====> IN SHORT, LAND, IDENTITY AND POLITICAL VOICE}}}

Levels of Aboriginal Self-Governance

Statehood

*absolute (de jure) sovereignty

*internal + external jurisdiction

*complete independence with no external interference

Nationhood

*de facto sovereignty

*self-determining control over multiple yet interlinked jurisdictions within a framework of shared sovereignty

*nations within/province-like

Community/Municipality-based

*conditional sovereignty

*community-based autonomy

*internal jurisdictions, limited only by interaction with similar bodies and higher political authorities

Institutional

*nominal sovereignty

*decision-making power through institutional accommodation

*parallel institutions

LAND CLAIMS IN CANADA

LAND CLAIMS HAVE BEEN A MAJOR ISSUE WITH ABORIGINALS FOR WELL OVER TWO CENTURIES AND A SIGNIFICANT PORTION OF LAND IN CANADA IS BEING DISPUTED BY ABORIGINAL PEOPLES.

COMPREHENSIVE CLAIMS

- ABORIGINAL PEOPLES TRADITIONAL USE AND OCCUPANCY OF LAND

- LAND TITLE

- SPECIFIED HUNTING, FISHING AND TRAPPING RIGHTS

- FINANCIAL COMPENSATION

SPECIFIC CLAIMS

- OBLIGATIONS UNDER THE TREATIES AND THE INDIAN ACT NOT BEING MET BY THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT

IV) – THE NEW URBAN EXPERIENCE OF GLOBALIZATION

URBANIZATION ISSUES AND PROBLEMS – ALISON HAYFORD CH. 13 – SOCIAL ISSUES AND CONTRADICTIONS

QUESTION: ARE URBAN SOCIETIES “PROBLEM-PRONE?”

{SOCIOLOGICAL PROLOGUE: CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGIST WERE ORGINALLY ANALYTIC INTEREST WAS – HOW PEOPLE ADAPT OR MAL-ADAPT TO THE PROCESSES OF INDUSTRIALIZATION AND URBANIZATION ===> THIS IS WHERE “SOCIAL PROBLEMS” COME IN. THEY ARE CONSIDERED UNDESIRABLE ADAPTIONS, OR MAL-ADAPTIONS, TO URBAN LIVING, REQUIRING CONSTRUCTIVE REFORM}

A) THE CONTEMPORARY ECOLOGICAL CONTEXT:

1) MOST CANADIANS ARE URBAN, LIVING IN OR NEAR LARGE METROPOLITIAN AREAS ====> NEARLY 9.5 MILLION LIVE IN THE FOUR LARGEST METROPOLITAN AREAS ALONG (THOSE WITH MORE THAN A MILLION PEOPLE) =====> {A} AS A CONSEQUENCE, THE EVERYDAY LIVES OF MOST CANADIANS ARE URBAN LIVES. INDEED, CITIES ARE SUCH IMPORTANT SOCIAL, POLITICAL, AND ECONOMIC FORCES THAT EVEN THOSE POPLE WHO LIVE IN SMALL TOWNS AND RURAL AREAS ARE STRONGLY AFFECTED BY THEM ====> {B} CANADA, LIKE OTHER URBAN SOCIETIES ARE INEVITABLY HETEROGENEOUS IN IMPORTANT WAYS WITH SIGNIFICANT ETHNIC, CLASS AND OTHER DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE POPULATIONS OF CITIES.

2) WE TEND TO HAVE MIXED FEELINGS ABOUT CITIES. MANY PEOPLE SEE {A}SEE CITIES AS PLACES OF OPPORTUNITY. WE SEE THIS IN THE FACT THAT PEOPLE CONTINUE TO MOVE FROM SMALLER CENTRES TO LARGER ONES TO FIND WORK, TO GET EDUCATIONS, AND TO HAVE OPPORTUNITIES FOR ARTISTIC EXPRESSION AND OTHER FORMS OF INDIVIDUAL FREEDOM. {2} AT THE SAME TIME CITIES AS SOURCES OF SERIOUS SOCIAL AND ENVIRONMENTAL PROBLEMS SUCH AS CRIME, RACIAL CONFLICT, ETHNIC HETEROGENITY AND POLLUTION.

{AGAIN A REMINDER – THE ANALYTIC FOCUS FOR EARLY SOCIOLOGISTS WAS ON} HOW PEOPLE ADAPT OR MAL-ADAPT TO THE PROCESSES OF INDUSTRIALIZATION AND URBANIZATION.

THIS IS WHERE THE CENTRALITY OF “SOCIAL PROBLEMS” ANALYSIS COME IN {INFERS THAT SOMETHING IS 'WRONG', THAT IT NEEDS CORRECTION}. CLASSIC SOCIOLOGY WAS CONCERNED WITH UNDERSTANDING THE ADAPTIONS, OR MAL-ADAPTIONS, TO URBAN LIVING.

SOCIAL PROBLEM {IN THIS SENSE} REFERS TO ANY UNDESIRABLE CONDITION OR SITUATION THAT IS JUDGED BY AN INFLUENTIAL NUMBER OF PERSONS WITHIN A COMMUNITY TO BE INTOLERABLE AND TO REQUIRE GROUP ACTION TOWARD CONSTRUCTIVE REFORM ==è EXAMPLES ARE URBAN HOMELESSNESS, POVERTY, CRIME, PROSTITUTION, DIVORCE, CHRONIC UNEMPLOYMENT, RACIAL AND CULTURAL CONFLICT, “HEALTH” AND SO ON.

CLASSIC SOCIOLOGY CONSIDERED SOCIAL PROBLEMS TO BE THE RESULT OF THE DISINTEGRATING INFLUENCES OF THE CITY =è THAT IS, THEY ARE TYPICALLY ASSOCIATED WITH THE DENSE, MIXED, HETEROGENEOUS, DISORDERLY POPULATIONS OF LARGE URBAN CENTRES.

{ALTHOUGH SUCH PROBLEMS ALSO EXIST IN RURAL AREAS, WE STILL TEND TO PERCEIVE THEM TO BE WORSE IN CITIES.}

BUT IF WE WANT TO EXPLAIN ALL THE PROBLEMS OF CITIES TODAY, WE MUST ADD TO THESE DEMOGRAPHIC FACTORS AN UNDERSTANDING OF CITIES' SOCIAL ORGANIZATION, WHICH INVARIABLY REFLECTS THAT OF THE WHOLE SOCIETY ====> IN THIS REGARD:

A) MANY CONTEMPORARY SOCIAL THEORISTS ARGUE THAT URBAN SOCIETIES ARE INHERENTLY UNEQUAL {THEREFORE - “PROBLEM-PRONE”} SINCE THE SOCIAL PROCESSES THAT ALLOW THE GEOGRAPHIC CONCENTRATION OF PEOPLE ALSO INVOLVE THE SOCIAL CONCENTRATION OF WEALTH AND POWER.

B) MANY MORE SOCIAL THEORISTS ARGUE THAT “EVEN SOCIAL PROBLEMS” ARE DEFINED BY POWER DYNAMICS IN THE CITY ====> SOCIAL PROBLEM – A SOCIAL CONDITION OR FORM OF CONDUCT LABELLED AS A PROBLEMATIC BY A POWERFUL GROUP ======>

5) PROBLEMATIZED => SOCIAL PROBLEMS ARE SOCIAL CONSTRUCTIONS; THEY ARE MADE NOT DISCOVERED ==èLIKE ANY OTHER SOCIAL PROCESS SOCIAL PROBLEMS ARE GENERATED OUT OF THE INTERPLAY BETWEEN – CULTURE, POWER AND IDEOLOGY =====> THIS MEANS THAT SOCIAL CONDITIONS {SAY, THE BLACK “SLUM”} DOES NOT BECOME SOCIAL PROBLEMS UNTIL SOME {POWERFUL} GROUP MAKES THEM AN ISSUE – THAT IS, TARGETS THEM, LABELS THEM DEVIANT, AND ATTEMPTS TO PUT THEM ON THE SOCIAL AGENDA =è BY CONCEPTUALIZING IT AS A PROCESS, WE RECOGNIZE THAT A SOCIAL PROBLEM IS AN INTERACTION – OFTEN A STRUGGLE – BETWEEN SOCIETY’S POWERFUL AND POWERLESS GROUPS OVER WHOSE WAYS ARE THE “RIGHT” WAYS =è{WHEN DOES “BLACK YOUTH” BECOME A SOCIAL PROBLEM?} ONLY WHEN WE ASK “FOR WHOM THEY ARE A PROBLEM” CAN WE SEE THE INCREASING ATTENTION ON BLACK YOUTH IS NOT RELATED TO THE GROWING “PATHOLOGY” OF BLACK-ON-BLACK VIOLENCE – BUT RATHER – IT IS RELATED TO HOW FAR THE BLACK VIOLENCE IS ENCROACHING ON THE WHITE MIDDLE-CLASS REALITY {EX: JANE CREBA?}.

CONTEMPORARY THEORISTS TEND TO SEE ALL SOCIAL PROBLEMS AS SOCIAL CONSTRUCTIONS TIED TO ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL INEQUALITIES =====> EVEN WHAT IS DEFINED AS A SOCIAL PROBLEM IS DETERMINED BY POWER RELATIONS =====> SOCIAL PROBLEMS ARE CREATED AND FASHIONED BY POLITICAL DOMINATION AND SOCIO-ECONOMIC CONTROL

{WHERE CLASSICAL URBAN SOCIOLOGY EXAMINED “SOCIAL PROBLEMS AS SOCIAL CONSTRUCTIONS” ====> CONTEMPORARY URBAN SOCIOLOGY EXAMINES “THE SOCIAL CONSTRUCTION OF SOCIAL PROBLEMS”

EX: WHEREAS CRIME IS ONE ISSUE THAT HAS BEEN A CONSISTENT CONCERN OF URBAN DWELLERS AND URBAN MEDIA =====> HOMELESSNESS HAS NOT ALWAYS HAD SIMILAR IMPORT [IT DID NOT BECOME AN IMPORTANT SOCIAL ISSUE IN CANADA UNTIL THE 1980S – IT WASN'T EVEN INCLUDED IN THE 1970 SURVEY OF URBAN ISSUES (CMHC 1979). WHILE HOMELESSNESS STILL CONCERNS MANY PEOPLE, PARTICULARLY IN LARGE CITIES (TORONTO COALITION AGAINST HOMELESSNESS 1996), IN SOME WAYS IT HAS BECOME SO MUCH A PART OF URBAN LIFE THAT EVEN WHERE THE HOMELESS ARE BOTH NUMEROUS AND VISIBLE, HOMELESSNESS IS SOMETIMES SEEN AS MORE OF A NUISANCE THAT A TRAGEDY}

SOCIOLOGICAL UPSHOT: SOCIAL PROBLEMS ARE NOT ONLY PHENOMENON TO BE UNDERSTOOD AS SOCIAL CONSTRUCTIONS, BUT THE SOCIAL CONSTRUCTIONS ARE OFTEN ROOTED IN LARGERS SOCIAL ISSUES ====> TO UNDERSTAND WHAT GOES ON IN CITIES WE MUST LOOK AT THESE LARGER SOCIAL ISSUES AS WELL.

CONTEMPORARY SOCIOLOGICAL THESIS: THE CITY'S “SOCIAL ORDER” PROBLEM(S) IS A REFLECTION OF A “SOCIAL INEQUALITY” PROBLEM.

B) THE GLOBAL CITY

ACCORDING TO KEIL AND KIPER [IN CHANGING CANADA – “THE URBAN EXPERIENCE AND GLOBALIZATION”] =====>

THE GLOBAL CITY IS THE ANALYTIC UNIT AND FOCAL POINT OF THE ERA OF WORLD CAPITALISM, CHARACTERIZED DEMOGRAPHICALLY AND IDEOLOGICALLY AS THE CONTEMPORARY GATHERING PLACE (1) TRANSNATIONAL & NATIONAL IDENTITIES, AND (2) DIVERSITY AND COSMOPOLITANISM =====> THE IMPLICATIONS HERE FOR SCHOLARSHIP IS PROFOUND: THE CENTRAL FEATURE OF THE IDEA OF GLOBALIZATION IS THAT MANY CONTEMPORARY PROBLEMS CANNOT BE ADEQUATELY STUDIED AT THE LEVEL OF NATION-STATES, THAT IS, IN TERMS OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS, BUT NEED TO BE THEORIZED IN TERMS OF GLOBAL {TRANSNATIONAL} PROCESSES, BEYOND THE LEVEL OF NATIONS STATES (SKLAIR 1998) =======> SOME SCHOLARS SEE GLOBAL CITIES AS THE PRIMARY UNIT OF ANALYSIS WHERE THE GLOBALIZED PROCESSES INTERSECT WITH TRANSNATIONAL (GLOBAL) COMMUNITIES {INCREASING DIVERSITY AND COSMOPOLITANISM AND THEIR LOCATION WITHIN THE CIRCUITS OF CAPITAL, COMMODIES, SERVICES, AND PEOPLE} =======> THESIS: GLOBAL CITIES AS THE GATHERING PLACE OF THE 21ST CENTURY SOUL SEARCH FOR ECONOMIC VIABILITY, POLITICAL GOVERNANCE, SOCIAL JUSTICE, CULTURAL ENRICHMENT, AND ECOLOGICAL STUSTAINABILITY.

CANADIAN CITIES, MAINLY THE LARGER CITIES; TORONTO, MONTREAL AND VANCOUVER APPEARS TO BE IN CRISIS:

· THESE CITIES BELONG TO OR ASPIRE TO A SPECIAL CATEGORY OF GLOBAL OR WORLD CITIES. THEY HAVE BECOME VISIBLY TRANSNATIONALIZED.

· THESE CITIES ARE CONSIDERED BY OBSERVERS TO BE DIFFERENT AND SUPERIOR TO THEIR US COUNTERPARTS BUT ARE NOW SUFFERING FROM A COMPETITION LAG.

· THE AREAS OF CONCERN INCLUDE THE CITIES ECONOMIC VIABILITY, POLITICAL GOVERNANCE, SOCIAL JUSTICE, CULTURAL ATTRACTIVENESS AND ECOLOGICAL SUSTAINABILITY.

· INSTRUMENTAL IN THE CALL ARE MUNICIPAL POLITICIANS, PUNDITS AND BUSINESS GROUPS WHO ARE CALLING FOR FINANCIAL SUPPORT FROM SENIOR LEVELS OF GOV’T AS THEIR COUNTERPART IN THE USA HAVE

· THE INDICATIONS ARE PREVIOUS DESCRIPTION OF THE URBAN EXPERIENCE OF CANADIAN CITIES AS EXPRESSION OF COLONIAL, NORTH AMERICAN OR CANADIAN PATHWAYS TO URBANIZATION MAY NO LONGER BE ADEQUATE.

UNDERLYING THIS IS THE FACT THAT URBAN QUESTION DO NOT FIGURE PROMINENTLY IN CANADIAN POLITICAL ECONOMY:

· TORONTO HAS MORE IN COMMON WITH OTHER GLOBAL CITIES OF ITS KIND THAN WITH THE NEEDS OF ITS OWN HINTERLAND. IN THIS CONTEXT THE “URBAN” IS DRAWN OUT AND SHOWN AS THE CENTRAL CONNECTING LINK BETWEEN LARGE SOCIAL ORDERS AND THE INTRICATE DETAILS OF EVERYDAY LIFE. SOCIAL ORDER IS REFERRED HERE AS CLASS, CAPITAL, THE STATE, PATRIARCHY, EMPIRE.

· URBAN PERSPECTIVE FUSES CRITICAL THEORY, THE CRITICAL, CHANGE-ORIENTED ANALYSIS OF MODERN SOCIAL LIFE, WITH POLITICAL ECONOMY, AND THE POLITICAL CONSTRUCTION OF CAPITALIST ECONOMIES.

· CAUGHT BETWEEN “THE MACRO-DIMENSION” OF SOCIAL ORDER AND EVERYDAY LIFE AND URBAN POLITICS IS NO LONGER A LOCAL AFFAIR, THIS HOLDS PROMISE FOR GENERAL SOCIAL TRANSFORMATION.

GLOBALIZATION HERE IS BEEN DISCUSSED AS A PROCESS AND STRATEGY ORGANIZED THROUGH URBANIZATION. GIVEN THIS IT BECOMES RELEVANT FOR URBAN RESEARCH.

WHY A GLOBAL CITY RESEARCH IS IMPORTANT?:

· IT IS ABOUT URBAN PROCESSES AS MULTISCALE PHENOMENA RATHER THAN FORCES CONTAINED BY NATIONAL BOUNDARIES

· GLOBAL CITY FORMATION OCCURS WHEN URBAN REGIONS ARE ARTICULATED WITH THE GLOBAL PROCESS SUCH AS THE INTERNATIONAL FINANCIAL ECONOMY, GLOBAL FLOW OF GOODS AND PEOPLE, AND CULTURE

· IN TODAY’S WORLD THE PROCESS USUALLY CONNECT HEIGHTENED UNEVEN DEVELOPMENT, TRANSACTIONAL FORMS OF CAPITAL CENTRALIZATION AND NEW FORM OF MIGRATION

· TRANSNATIONALIZATION CAN PROVIDE A STARTING POINT TO INVESTIGATE HOW CITY BUILDING URBAN FORM, AND SPATIAL RELATIONS LINK EVERYDAY LIFE TO A NUMBER OF CONTEMPORARY FORMS OF RESTRUCTURING; CLASS FORMATION, GROWING ROLE FOR CULTURE IN ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT, THE PRODUCTION OF NATURE, IMMIGRATION, MULTICULTURALISM, GENDERED AND RACIAL FORMS OF SOCIAL POLARIZATION AND STATE INTERVENTION

· TRANSNATIONAL URBANIZATION HIGHLIGHTS HOW CLASS RELATIONS ARE FORMED THROUGH SEGMENTATION OF GENDER, RACE, AND CULTURE

· URBAN EXPERIENCE IN THE AGE OF GLOBALIZATION RELY ON CRITICAL SOCIAL THEORY AND THE POLITICAL ECONOMY

THE URBAN ASPECT OF GLOBAL ECONOMY:

· GROWING NUMBER OF SCHOLARS ARE DRAWN TO THIS AREA OF STUDY

· RESEARCHERS STUDYING GENTRIFICATION HAVE DEMONSTRATED THAT URBAN SOCIAL GEOGRAPHY AND THE BUILT ENVIRONMENT MUST BE TAKEN INTO ACCOUNT IF ONE WANTS TO ANALYZE CLASS FORMATION

· ECONOMIC GEOGRAPHERS HAVE SHOWN HOW URBAN RESEARCH HELPS ONE UNDERSTAND HOW LABOUR MARKETS AND CLASS RELATIONS ARE ORGANIZED SPATIALLY AND ARE SEGMENTED ALONG LINES OF GENDER AND RACE

· FEMINIST RESEARCH HAS POINTED TO THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN GENDER INEQUALITY, PATRIARCHAL NOTIONS OF SEXUALITY AND DOMESTIC LIFE

· ANALYSTS OF RACISM HAVE DEMONSTRATED THAT MULTICULTURALISM CAN BE UNDERSTOOD AS A NEW FORM OF RADICALIZATION CONNECTED TO URBAN GEOGRAPHIES OF MIGRATION, RADICALIZED IMAGES OF THE CITY, THE FORMATION OF URBAN SOCIAL MOVEMENTS, AND CONFLICTS OVER LAND-USE AND HOUSING

· URBAN THEORIST BROUGHT FORTH INFORMATION ON THE CONNECTION BETWEEN NEW URBAN FORMS; WATERFRONT REDEVELOPMENT, EDGE AND CITIES, CAPITAL RESTRUCTURING, LOCAL POLITICS AND SHIFTS IN SOCIETAL RELATIONSHIP WITH NATURE

· RESEARCH ON SOCIAL MOVEMENTS, MUNICIPAL POLITICS EXPLAINS HOW STATE INSTITUTIONS ARE ORGANIZED SPATIALLY

· YET URBAN RESEARCH IS STILL BEING TREATED AS A SECONDARY FIELD EVEN THOUGH 23.9 MILLION CANADIAN, OR 80% OF THE COUNTRY’S POPULATION, LIVED IN URBAN AREAS IN 2001

· URBAN RESEARCH IS STILL BRACKETED FROM THE MAIN CURRENTS OF CRITICAL SOCIAL THEORY AND POLITICAL ECONOMY AS THE DOMAIN OF SPECIALIST OR AS A SUB FIELD

URBAN POLITICAL ECONOMY IN CANADA AT THE BEGINNING OF THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY:

1. BOURGEOIS URBANISM

“URBANISM SHAPES HOW RULING-CLASS AND MIDDLE-CLASS ELITES FRAME THEIR IDENTITIES” – CHANGING CANADA PG, 346

· JUST LIKE THEIR EUROPEAN COUNTERPARTS, CANADIAN ELITES ARE INCREASINGLY PRESENTING THEMSELVES AS URBAN.

· AN EARLIER TREND TOWARD LOCATING BOURGEOIS UTOPIA IN THE SUBURBS HAS SHIFTED AND CANADIAN ELITES USUALLY DO NOT DESERT THE INNER CITY.

· THERE IS A GROWING TENDENCY TO GENTRIFY THE CITY CORE – GENTRIFY MEANING TO RENOVATE SO AS TO MAKE IT CONFORM TO MIDDLE-CLASS ASPIRATIONS.

· HOWEVER, GENTRIFYING THE CITY CORE VS. EXURBAN ELITES PRODUCES TENSION IN OUR URBAN CITIES.

· THE CONVERSION TO BOURGEOIS VALUES, LOYALTIES, OR TASTES OF OUR URBAN CITIES CORRELATES WITH THE TENDENCY OF CANADIAN CAPITAL TO REINVEST IN REAL ESTATE AND “CULTURALIZATION”

2. THE CULTURALIZATION OF URBAN POLITICAL ECONOMY

EVERY INDIVIDUAL ACQUIRES HIS CULTURAL BEHAVIOR EQUIPMENT THROUGH A DEFINITE PROCESS. SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGISTS CALL THIS PROCESS CULTURALIZATION. CULTURALIZATION THEN COMPRISES A SERIES OF MECHANISMS BY WHICH THOSE QUALITIES CALLED CULTURAL HUMAN NATURE ARE PRODUCED.

· AS MORE WELL-TO-DO URBANITIES RELOCATE INTO THE LOFTS AND CONDOMINIUM TOWERS OF OUR LARGEST CITIES, CULTURE BECOMES AN IMPORTANT MEDIUM THROUGH WHICH THE CITY IS MADE INTO AN ENTERTAINMENT EVENT.

· FESTIVALS, ENTERTAINMENT SHOWS SUCH AS PLAYS, CONCERTS AND MUSICALS BECOME THE MAIN PURSUIT OF URBAN CULTURAL POLICIES FOR INTERNATIONAL TOURISTS AND URBAN ELITES.

· DO YOU THINK THAT SPORTS, ARTS AND CULTURE STRATEGY HAVE POLARIZING EFFECTS ON THE CITY SYSTEM??? (I.E. WINNIPEG AND QUEBEC CITY HAVE LOST TEAMS WHILE TORONTO IS ATTRACTING EVEN MORE)

3. THE SPATIALIZATION OF CAPITALIST GROWTH

· STRATIFICATION THROUGH GENDER, RACE AND CULTURE CONTINUES AS THE WORKING-CLASS AND MIDDLE-CLASS RELOCATES TOWARDS CITIES WHILE NEW SUBURBS ARE PORTS OF ENTRY FOR NEW NON-EUROPEAN IMMIGRATION.

· ELITE HOMEOWNERS EXPAND AROUND GOLF COURSES AND “GATED COMMUNITIES”, FENCING THEMSELVES FROM OTHER LOWER-CLASS CITIZENS

4. SHIFTING IMAGES OF THE URBAN REGION

· THE REGIONAL CITY

· THE TRANSNATIONAL CITY

· THE CITIES NOW APPEAR AS DENATIONALIZED NODES OF GLOBAL ECONOMY, WHOSE FLOWS OF CAPITAL, PEOPLE AND INFORMATION DISSOLVE THE TRADITIONAL SPATIAL ARRANGEMENTS OF URBAN REGIONS.

5. THE TRANSNATIONALIZATION OF THE URBAN EXPERIENCE

· MIGRATION HAS BECOME FULLY GLOBALIZED SINCE THE STATE ABANDONED ITS “WHITE-ONLY” IMMIGRATION POLICY IN THE 1960’S.

· MOST IMMIGRANTS COME FROM NON-EUROPEAN PLACES WITH ALMOST NON-WHITE A MAJORITY

· WOULD YOU SAY THAT THESE POLICIES DIRECTLY ATTRIBUTE TO THE NEW NEO-LIBERAL PARADIGM???

· WIDE GAP BETWEEN NEW IMMIGRANTS (I.E. FROM WEALTHY, WELL-EDUCATED TO EXTREMELY POOR AND DESKILLED REFUGEES.

· OUR LARGE CITIES HAVE BECOME A HOME FOR THE NEW TRANSNATIONAL ELITES WHO CAME TO INVEST OR TO LIVE FROM VARIOUS PARTS OF THE WORLD. HOWEVER, ON THE OTHER HAND, NEW IMMIGRANT WORKING CLASSES ARE CLOSELY CONNECTED THROUGH COMMUNITIES THAT APPEAR LOCAL.

6. NEW SOCIAL DISPARITIES

· DIFFERENCE IN THE IDENTITY OF THE URBAN SOCIETY IS IN CULTURAL TERMS.

· NEW FORM OF “DIFFERENTIALIST” RACISM WHICH IS BASED ON CULTURAL TRAITS.

7. SOCIAL POLARIZATION AND FRAGMENTATION

· INCREASED SOCIAL POLARIZATION IN TERMS OF GENDER AND RACE.

· POVERTY, UNEMPLOYMENT, AND CASUALIZED LABOUR MARKETS AFFECTED WOMEN, NONWHITE CANADIANS AND NEW IMMIGRANTS MOST (DIFFERENCE MADE BY HIGH-LEVEL HIGH-PAID AND LOW-LEVEL LOW-PAID JOB OCCUPATIONS).

· SOCIAL POLARIZATION IS REFLECTED ALSO THROUGH SPATIAL SEGMENTATION.

· DIVISIONS BETWEEN ELITE ENCLAVES, MIDDLE-CLASS SUBURBS, GHETTOS AND ETHNIC NEIGHBORHOODS HAVE INCREASED.

8. THE COMPETITIVE CITY

· DIFFERENT FORMS OF COMPETITIVENESS EXIST, SUCH AS REGIONALLY AND CONTINENTALLY BETWEEN CITIES TO ATTRACT INVESTMENT, TOURISTS AND EXPORTS IN NOWADAYS FORM OF GLOBALIZATION.

CONCLUSION: RESISTING GLOBALIZATION:

· POSSIBILITIES FOR RESISTANCE:

- SOCIAL MOVEMENTS

- “NEVER UNDERESTIMATE THE POWER OF PEOPLE” (I.E. 1999’S WTO PROTEST IN SEATTLE)

- ANTI-GLOBALIZATION PROTESTS