Sounding Different, but Still Equal? Assessing Discrimination against “Audible Minorities” in Urban and non-Urban Settings in Quebec and Ontario

It is well documented that newcomers with foreign names and/or physical attributes that differ from the majority population suffer from discrimination when looking for housing or employment (Gaddis 2015; Gaddis and Ghoshal 2015; Hanson and Hawley 2011; Widner and Chicoine 2011). Similarly, members of visible minority backgrounds tend to be seen more negatively than others by the majority population (Terkildsen 1993; Harell et al. 2012; Iyengar et al. 2013; Weaver 2012). Being visibly different is thus a well-documented obstacle to successful inclusion. Beyond being visibly distinct, however, newcomers can also be audibly different, that is they may sound different when speaking the official languages of a society. We refer to these people as “audible minorities”. Yet, despite some evidence demonstrating that such audible minorities may also suffer from prejudices (Peled and Bonotti 2019), little research systematically studies how much speaking with a foreign accent may impede newcomers’ successful inclusion. Our project tackled this question by investigating the prevalence of discrimination against audible minorities and its consequences on their capacity to be recognized as true members of the community.

The successful inclusion of newcomers depends in part on developing a sense of belonging to the community. The consequences of a weak sense of belonging and feeling of rejection range from low self-esteem, mental and physical illnesses (Branscombe et al., 1999; Finch et al., 2000; Whitbeck et al., 2002), to disengagement from the social and political affairs (Bilodeau et al. 2019; Oskooii, 2016). Accordingly, if speaking with a foreign accent serves as an obstacle to being accepted and recognized as true members of the community, identifying why and under which conditions such discrimination occurs becomes an important tool to help foster inclusion.

The objectives of our project were threefold. First, we assessed the prevalence of discrimination against audible minorities and their consequences on the extent to which they are perceived as true members of the community. In order to reach this objective, we conducted a survey with an embedded experiment aiming to assess how majority populations react to messages communicated by Canadians with accents of four different national origins: local mainstream, Polish, Haitian/Jamaican, and Chinese.

Second, we examined the intersectionality between being a visible and an audible minority. Following insights on intersectionality research (McCall, 2008), we wanted to know if the negative consequences of speaking with an accent are greater when locutors are also members of a visible minority. We hypothesized that respondents of all origins will be discriminated against when speaking with a foreign accent, but we expected the consequences of being an audible minority to be greatest for individuals who are also members of a visible minority.

Finally, we verified to what extent discrimination against audible minorities is context-dependent. To that effect, we assessed the prevalence of discrimination against audible minorities separately in Ontario and Quebec. We hypothesized that discrimination against audible minorities would be more prevalent in Quebec than in Ontario given the centrality of language (insecurity) for Quebec identity (Bouchard, 2012). Moreover, in each of Ontario and Quebec, we assessed the prevalence of discrimination against audible minorities separately in urban (Montreal and Toronto) and non-urban areas. Given that non-urban areas offer fewer opportunities of contact with ethnocultural diversity that are known to be of central importance to reduce xenophobic reactions (Forbes, 1998; Dirksmeier, 2014), we hypothesized that discrimination against audible minorities would be more prevalent in non-urban than in large urban ones such as Toronto and Montreal.

What was our approach?

Research on diversity has long established that individuals’ attitudes toward minority group members are influenced by their ethnic cues. However, this literature focuses heavily on visual cues, such as ethnic sounding names on a resume, or the skin color of racialized individuals. Interestingly, the literature on language attitudes finds that auditive cues such as foreign-sounding accents are especially important when developing attitudes about newcomers. Both fields of research find that ethnic cues have a significant impact on perceptions of trust and credibility: majority group members are less likely to find minority group members as trustworthy and credible as members from their own group. However, it is not clear which has a stronger effect on trust and credibility, auditive or visual cues? And are the effects additive and intersectional, thus leading to members of both an audible and visible minority group to be even more discriminated against? We attempted to answer these questions using data from an online survey experiment, administered to 1,200 adult residents of Quebec and 1,200 adult residents of Ontario. We examined how members of the majority group perceive the credibility of climate change experts of varying ethnic backgrounds and accents. Our findings suggested that having a foreign accent and being racialized both hinder the ability to be perceived as a legitimate, trustworthy, and credible expert by members of the majority group in Canadian society. Moreover, we found striking differences in the effect of ethnic cues in Ontario and Quebec, the latter focusing more on auditive cues than the former.