Herring's
analysis of discursive practices and the rhetorical strategies of
participants in online discussion groups reveals that not only do
men and women have different posting styles, they also adhere to different
value systems in regard to online communication. Male values are taken
as the discursive norm in most cases, with the exception of some female-centered
lists. In addition, the over-riding principles of computer-mediated
communication, as outlined in netiquette guidelines, hold male communication
strategies and ethical values as the norm. Each of these areas, however,
will now be observed in fuller form.
Herring
maintains that the posting styles of subscribers to the discussion
groups she studied have recognizably gendered rhetorical styles. While
women prefer "an ethic of politeness and consideration for the
wants of others," men evoke "an ethic of agonistic debate
and freedom from rules or imposition."(Herring,
117.) While Herring admits that many of the posts she
analyzed fell somewhere in the middle in regard to gender markers,
she maintains that two distinct cultural extremes exist.
Male
discursive practices tend to be characterized by challenging and/or
adversarial posts coupled with frequent, lengthy messages. Posts by
male individuals were more likely to contain profanity, put-downs,
strong assertions, and name-calling.(Herring,
118-119.) Flaming,
Herring argues, is a predominantly male phenomenon. All men do not
behave in this fashion. Rather, a minority of men are responsible
for the majority of flaming in computer-mediated discussion and debate
on most listservs.
Womenís
communications style, on the other hand, tends toward the "supportive-attenuated
style."(Herring,
119.) Women tend to be more supportive, appreciative
of others, and more communal than men. Women also show more concern
about being liked and ratified by others. The supportive-attenuated
style is most evident, and it is often the discursive norm on women-centered
lists. This discursive style tends to include appeals to the group,
expressions of thankfulness and appreciation, messages of agreement,
and offers of assistance. Once again, however, it cannot be said that
all women behave in this manner.
Herring
admittedly focuses on the extremes of gendered behavior as it is expressed
in online forums of asynchronous communication. Herring writes: "The
existence of gendered styles must be explicitly demonstrated in order
to put to rest the myth that gender is invisible on computer networks."(Herring,
121.) While these cultural distinctions are not universal,
and despite common ground between men and women, "behaviors at
the extremes are not randomly distributed between males and females,
but are virtually male exclusive (for extreme forms of adversariality)
and female exclusive (for extreme forms of appreciation and support.)"(Herring,
120-121.) Moreover, such styles are widely recognized by other
online participants. The gender of participants is regularly inferred
through the awareness and recognition of rhetorical cues.
Such
"gendered prototypes,"(Herring,
122.) Herring writes, are particularly evident when the gender
of the subscriber is in question or when individuals do not fit the
patterns of pre-conceived norms. Indeed, such
Probabilistic inferences (based on the empirical tendency for men to be more adversarial than women online) can take on symbolic and even political signification: In order not to be suspected of being male, women must express themselves
in an appropriately female style.(Herring, 122.)
Herrings research outlines recognizably distinct gendered styles of CMC in asynchronous online forums. Refusing to conform to these normative standards can lead to a lack of acceptance and can even lead to one being ostracized from the group.